Skip to content

The debate over clans’ land in Bupul village as forest become an oil palm plantation

December 13, 2017

Source: Mongabay Indonesia

Author: Christopel Paino

English Translation:

Land conflict for oil palm is still an issue in Merauke

Two children ran towards the forest. As they got closer to the trees
that at first seemed to be a thick forest, a broad carpet of felled
trees became visible.

The two could witness exactly how the green bulldozers were working to
clear away the trees. From afar, the sound of falling trees could be
heard clearly. Several times they pointed out the heavy machinery that
was working off in the distance.

“That’s a beko – a beko is what we call a ‘dozer. Every day the bekos
are working to clear our forest”, Agustinus shouted

Agustinus is slender, his friend Yupens is more sturdy. They are both in
the 5th class of YPPK Santo Petrus primary school in Bupul village,
Elikobel, Merauke Regency, Papua.

“Bro, this forest is where we play with bows and arrows, or spears, and
go to look for birds. At the furthest point over there, there’s a river.
After playing in the forest, we normally go swimming in the river.”,
added Yupens

“Our teacher said that later if there’s an oil palm plantation and the
waste goes into the river, we won’t be able to swim there any more.”


Yupens and Agustinus’ village, Bupul, isn’t far from the Trans-Papua
road which connects Merauke Regency with Boven Digoel. Bupul can be
reached from Merauke in about 3-4 hours. There are many military
checkpoints along the road because the area is close to the Papua New
Guinea border.

The majority of indigenous people in Bupul belong to the Yei ethnic
group, which some people describe as a sub-ethnic group of the Marind.
In general they are dependant on the forest to meet their needs.

The forest Agustinus and Yupens were pointing out is the ancestral
forest of the Wonijai clan. The company has already paid the clan for
this land, obtaining their consent both through polite persuasion and
through use of state security forces. The company plied the people with
promises of “a better life” until some of the local people agreed to
release their ancestral land. The others, who opposed it, felt that
these promises were motivated by nothing other than the company’s desire
to take control of the Wonijai land.


One evening in 2015, a group of people paid a visit to Simon Wonijai’s
house. They were company representatives. One of them was well built,
seemingly a member of the police or military. They were trying to find
Simon, but the 68 year old man was nowhere to be found.

“I avoided them on purpose”, said Simon Wonijai, when I met him at his
home in mid-October. “They wanted to ask for my signature [on land
release documents] as I’m the clan leader, and so they brought the
plain-clothes policeman that night.”

The company that Simon was talking about is PT Agrinusa Persada Mulia,
referred to locally as PT APM. This company is under the Agro Mandiri
Semesta Group, otherwise known as Ganda Group. The owner is Ganda,
brother of the founder of Wilmar International, Martua Sitorus
[awasMIFEE note: in 2017, this group has started referring to itself as
Gama Plantation, Gama being a combination of GA-nda and MA-rtua].

PT Agrinusa Persada Mulia was given its initial permit on 13th January
2010, based on the Merauke Bupati’s decree 4/2010. That permit covered
40,000 hectares in Muting sub-district.

Since 2013, the company has started to expand onto company land in
Elikobel sub-district. The way it does this is to produce a land release
contract and then give the local community compensation, which is
referred to as “tali asih” [a vague term which suggests a friendly
payment without commitment]

“In the end I was forced to sign the land release document”, Simon admitted.

He spoke about the various techniques the company has used to persuade
people into giving up their land. He said that these techniques caused
divisions within clans. “The person who sold the land and engaged in
negotiations with the company was Ruben Wonigai,” said Simon. Ruben is
still part of Simon’s family.

“The company managed to persuade Ruben, and then his task was to win
over other clan members, including myself, to sign the land release

Although he has already signed the document, Simon claims that he has
still never received a copy of the contract. The company keeps hold of
it. He cannot even say for sure the area of the land he has released.

“It’s about 900 hectares,”he estimates.

The company gives them a low price for their land, only around 300,000
Rupiah per hectare. The total amount the company paid for the Wonijai
clan’s land was around 600 million Rupiah. From that amount, Simon
claims that the share he received was 50 million Rupiah.

“When you hear it, 600 million sounds like a lot. But it has to be
shared amongst the whole family, with different amounts. I got 50
million, and this had to be shared out further between my children and
grandchildren. Actually, it isn’t fair.”


The process of how the company acquired land in Bupul appears never to
have been transparent, always murky, and in the end this has made the
community nervous.

A smartphone video filmed in October 2016 shows how an example letter
appeared bearing the name of Simon Wonijai, asking PT APM for a loan.

This loan was supposedly to pay for the medical care of someone who was
ill and the costs of care during childbirth. It mentioned that the
payment would be taken off from the company’s tali asih payment. The
strange thing was that Simon Wonijai’s signature wasn’t on the letter.

Because of this letter, in early 2017, Simon got in trouble with the
state. He was picked up by two police officers while attending church in
Bupul village. He was asked to sign the letter, but he managed to resist
and didn’t sign.

Father Anselmus Amo, the director of SKP KAME Merauke – the humanitarian
arm of the Merauke Catholic Diocese – talked about the problem. He had
witnessed how the police had approached Simon while he was in the church.

“If [as they say] there was a letter from Simon to borrow money to be
used for the costs of medical treatment and giving birth, we should go
back and question this. I am convinced that Simon did not want to sign,
and would only have signed if he was trapped or forced into it. The
company uses various techniques, even making use of police to get
signatures”, Amo said

He believes that the company has used many different strategies to get
the land, including creating conflicts between clans and individuals. He
gave the example of the Mandaljai clan, only one person signed away the
land rights without the knowledge of the clan chief.

“Rafael Mandaljai, the clan chief, did not agree to release the land.
However the company based the land release on the signature of his
brother, Thomas Mandaljai. In the end Thomas fled to Papua New Guinea
because he has released the land to PT APM”, Amo explained.

He also said that the company did not pay attention to places of high
conservation value on the ancestral land. The company’s land clearing
was also contaminating local rivers.

On another occasion, Kanisius Wonijai, son of Simon Wonijai, told of the
company’s attempts to cajole them with enticing promises. This included
scholarships for the clan’s children, building places of worship,
building a school and help with medical care for the sick. The company
also promised an outboard motor which people could use on the river.

“But since they first arrived in 2013, not a single one of these
promises has been carried out, up until now.”

Kanisius has now taken on the role of Bupul village secretary. He is 40
years old. He was previously one of the members of the Wonijai clan that
was most vocal in his opposition to releasing ancestral land to the company.

In 2015, he protested to the company. The issue was that people felt the
company had cleared land outside the agreed area. He protested by
placing a wooden pole to mark their ancestral land which had been
cleared by the company and converted into plantation blocks. As a result
he was confronted by company employees.

“If anyone dares to clear this land, I will kill him!” screamed
Kanisius, repeating his words at the time.

Out of fear, company employees were not brave enough to work on this
land, which in practice meant no work took place there for one year.

“But the company came back again [this time] with intel and the
military. They showed the land release document which had been signed by
Ruben Wonijai. Feeling weak, there was nothing more I could do,” he said

I tried to meet with Ruben Wonijai, who Simon and Kanisius had talked
about, but he was nowhere to be found. It seemed as if he had already
left the village. Ruben disappeared because he had problems with several
people as a result of having sold the land.

“Ruben fled with his wife. He’s got lots of problems. Not only with us,
because he took matters into his own hands and sold land to the company,
but also with other outsiders,” said Kanisius.

Kanisus hopes that their attempts at resistance will be supported by
other clans. But he knows the chances are slim. Some people are scared
because the company often shows up with police or military. The people
are intimidated, or otherwise they have been fooled by the company’s

“Actually, not all the clan members were in agreement that we should
sell our land. Unfortunately the letter we signed was never given to us.
The company said it would make photocopies and share them with us, but
this has still not happened,” said Markus Dambujai, another local
resident. He claims that he is one of the people for whom the land
release issue is still not fully settled.

“The company keeps coming and trying to convince us, until now.
Hopefully our clan won’t succumb to the temptation of the company’s
attempts to talk us round,” said Ricardus Mekiuw, 40 years old, another


Back on 28th February 2013, when the company was making its first
approaches in Bupul village, according to information on awasMIFEE, PT
APM gave ‘tali asih’ money to villagers. This meeting took place at the
Elikobel sub-district office, located on the Trans-Papua road, and was
witnessed by the District Military Commander at the time, Lt. Col. INF
Dedi Hardono, commander of infantry battalion 726/TML Major Setyono,
First Assistant to the Merauke District Secretary Recky Teurupin, PT
APM’s boss Gazali Arief, heads of local government agencies and
community leaders.

It was said at the time that money was paid as cash to three clans,
Keyijai, Wonijai and Kewamijai. Kewamijai got 10,174,500 Rupiah, Wonijai
53,620,000 Rupiah and Keyijai 620.921.000.

“As far as I know, the clans that have sold their ancestral land to PT
APM are Keyijai, Wonijai, Kewamijai and Mandaljai. Then there are other
clans that have sold their land to a different company, PT Internusa
Jaya Sejahtera – Dambujai, Mjai and some small sub-clans of Dambujai,”
said Pasificus Anggojai, the head of Bupul village.

Apart from PT APM, according to Yayasan Pusaka’s reports, PT IJS was
given a location permit to plant 18587 hectares of oil palm in Merauke
in 2013. The parent company is the Indonusa Agromulia Group which owns
plantations in Sumatra. This company also has obtained permits for oil
palm concessions in South Sorong regency.

Although the money seems to be a lot to go around, Pasificus Anggojai
says that it won’t last for ever. There are more disadvantages than
benefits. Offers to release land in exchange for money have caused
divisions within clans. Clan members who have already been enticed by
the company’s offers then become “public relations”, which means their
duty is to persuade others to sell their land.

He says that in most transactions, the company has come to meet directly
with the customary rights holders, and then set out its promises. One of
these was that it would give work to local residents, but in practice
that has been limited to unskilled labour.

“And then the money people got from selling their land to the company is
shared out and is all gone very quickly. Now there are people who regret
releasing their land.”


I also tried to get confirmation of what happened from the company side.
They gave very different answers. Mulyadi, a representative of PT APM,
explained that the community’s land was not being bought, but instead
what could be described as being borrowed, or given compensation for
plants growing there.

This means that the community’s land was being leased for a 30 year
period in accordance with the duration of the company’s cultivation
rights title (HGU), and 20% of the land would be for the community
anyway as it would become smallholder estates.

“The community also signed in front of a notary and local government
representatives”, said Mulyadi. “You can check for yourself with the
public relations guys in the plantation who are in contact with the

The “public relations guys” Mulyadi referred to are people from the
village that have already agreed to the company’s plans, including
customary landowners and their children. He also said that if there were
any accusations that the company had sown divisions in the community,
they weren’t true.

“I was responsible for public relations previously, but now I work on
permits for the company. Our principle is to only clear land if it is in
accordance with the Regency’s spatial plan and is Clean and Clear. This
means we only will clear land if the community agrees to this,” he said.

Mulyadi said that actually PT APM had paid more for land than other
plantation companies in the area, such as Korindo, IJS or Bio Inti
Agrindo (a subsidiary of the Posco Daewoo group).

“We have a standard price. Our land is the highest, 500,000 Rupiah per
hectare. Others are still only paying 287,000 or 400,000 per hectare”,
Mulyadi said.

Regarding Corporate Social Responsibility, he says it has to be done in
stages “It’s not possible that a company that has only been operating
for only one year can put everything in place straight away. We do
things in stages. We’ve started by helping with educational
scholarships, to high school for example. There’s also lots of aid we’ve

Father Amo said the opposite. Regarding the company’s claims to provide
CSR aid, he said that actually lots of children drop out of school,
especially in the lands of the clans which have already become oil palm,
such as the Keyijai, Kewamijai, Wonijai and Mandaljai clans’ land.

“I just got back from Bupul village where I found out that lots of
children have dropped out of school and are just getting drunk instead”,
said Amo. He said the company should publish the data of how many
children’s education it had supported through scholarships.

The head of the Environmental Management Agency for Papua Province, Noak
Kapisa, when asked for confirmation, said that all the information
circulating needed to be checked out on the ground, including whether or
not the company was carrying out its environmental responsibilities as

“Also, if the community wants to complain, they should tell us their
complaints. I’ve never received a single complaint”, said Noak

According to him, there are no problems with the company’s permits,
because they followed a tight process which also involved the community.
He also said that the company makes periodic reports about developments
on the ground.

“If the community feels it has been disadvantaged, it should make a
written report, including the accusation that the company is considered
to have sown division in the community.”


Yupens is one of the smarter kids in his class – recently he took second
place. He understands that a significant change has taken place in his
village, one that will affect his generation. He is a living witness to
the moment the forest landscape was turned into a monoculture plantation.

Making jokes as they throw dead branches at one another, Yupens and
Agustinus also run around, as if welcoming the fate already sketched out
that will determine their future. Whether they like it or not, they and
friends their age in the village will have to live alongside that
notorious agribusiness commodity:oil palm.

Source: Mongabay Indonesia

Author: Christopel Paino


INDONESIA: Human rights merely acknowledged, not yet protected

December 12, 2017

INDONESIA: Human rights merely acknowledged, not yet protected
December 11, 2017

On the occasion of international human rights day, the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) observes the major human rights issues of concern in Indonesia. Impunity and a fragile criminal justice system have let down victims of human rights abuse and those seeking justice. According to research by the Indonesian Legal Roundtable (ILR), Indonesia’s rule of law index is five, under the minimum score of six. Rule of law is key to human rights implementation and enjoyment.
The following are the major human rights issues facing Indonesia: 1# past human rights abuses remain unpunished; 2# serious crimes such as torture occur widely and are largely unpunished; 3# land grabbing still contributes to human rights violations; 4# discrimination and freedom of religion; 5# freedom of opinion and peaceful assembly.

Past human rights abuses
Up until the present, seven cases of past human rights abuses have been submitted by the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) to the Attorney General (AG): 1# 1965-1966 massacre; 2# student shooting in Semanggi 1998-1999; 3# enforced disappearances of student activists 1997-1998; 4# Talangsari massacre 1989; 5# Mysterious shooting 1981-1983; 6# Tragedy of 13-15 May 1998; 7# Wasior Wamena, Papua 2001 and 2003.
The main obstacle to addressing these cases is the Attorney General, who is unwilling to conduct further investigation and prosecute the cases. In fact, the AG strongly rejects bringing past abuses to the ad hoc human rights court, as regulated under Law No. 26 of 2000 on Human Rights Court. The President has also not taken any steps to ensure that the AG obeys the law in this matter.
Aside from the above mentioned cases, the AHRC notes other abuses that have also remained unaddressed, such as the enforced disappearance of Mr. Aris Toteles Masoka, the driver of prominent Papuan activist Mr. Theys Hiyo Eluay, who was killed by Special Armed Forces (Kopassus) in 2001. The human rights violations that occurred in Aceh during the military emergency in 1989 and 1998, as well as in 2003 have also not been dealt with. Similarly, past abuses which occurred in Papua, take for example the case of 1977-1978 in Puncak Jaya Papua, also remain unaddressed.

Widespread torture
Despite ratifying the International Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, Indonesia has no law against torture. The country’s Penal Code (KUHP), does not explicitly recognize torture as a crime; it is merely seen as maltreatment, under article 351.
In the last three years, the AHRC has reported and documented various cases of torture, most of which involve police officers attempting to extract confessions from suspected criminals. On 7 April 2017, there was a case of torture and forced confession committed by police officers of the Jakarta metropolitan police office regarding a motorcycle theft. Earlier, in 2013, there was the case of Mr. Aslin Zalim, who was forced to confess and tortured to death in the custody of Bau Bau police resort (Polres Bau Bau), South East Sulawesi province. In 2014, there was a case of torture against Mr. Oki Saputra, a suspect of motorcycle theft. In 2015, police officers of the Widang Police Sector (Polsek Widang), Tuban Regency, East Java Province tortured Fiki Arfindo (13) to confess. Further, in 2016, Mr. Siyono, a terrorist suspect, was forced to confess and tortured to death by the Anti-Terror Police Unit (Densus 88). There has been little progress in investigating these cases of torture. A few of them resulted in light punishment without guarantee of remedy for victims or family of victims.
Land grabbing
Based on data from the Land Reform Commission (KPA), a national NGO documenting land conflict, throughout 2014 there were 472 agrarian conflicts in Indonesia, involving over 2,860,977,07 hectares and 105,887 households. These conflicts, as documented by the KPA, are a direct result of the government’s policies. In 2015, the KPA notes 252 cases of agrarian conflict, with total conflicted land reaching 400,430 hectares, and involving 108,714 households. While infrastructure development was the biggest cause of agrarian conflict in 2014, in 2015 the highest numbers of such clashes occurred in the plantation sector: 127 cases, with 70 cases in infrastructure development, 24 cases in the forestry sector, 14 cases in the mining sector, and four cases in the coastal and marine sectors. In 2016, total land conflict involved 1,265,027 hectares.

The large agrarian conflicts as mentioned above are due to the expansion of large scale investments in Indonesia, in line with government policy to develop massive infrastructure to boost economic growth. The AHRC’s documentation of land grabbing has revealed the inevitable violation of other rights, including torture, violence and deprivation of liberty. The forced eviction of 502 local residents of Bukit Duri indicates the brutal pattern of forced eviction and land grabbing in Indonesia. The police in that instance also attacked a lawyer present, who was trying to explain to the police that the community had just submitted a lawsuit in the administration court. Recently, the court decided that the forced eviction was illegal.

Discrimination and freedom of religion
The AHRC notes that discrimination and violations of the right to freedom of religion remain serious problems in Indonesia. The major perpetrators are intolerant groups such as Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and other groups promoting intolerance against minority religion groups. Cases of discrimination against Indonesia’s Ahmadiyya congregation continue, as the government takes no steps to protect minority groups. The government failed to settle religious conflict targeting the Shia community in Sampang Madura, as a result of which for more than five years, the Shia community have been living in a public camp. Similarly, the Amhadiyya congregation remains living in the public building in Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara province, because the government failed to find a solution for them.
Freedom of opinion and peaceful assembly
Anti-communist elements in Indonesia have significantly attacked peoples’ rights to freedom of opinion and peaceful assembly. On numerous occasions, these mobs have attacked and forcibly dispersed public events such as movie screenings, workshops, and seminars, accusing them of propagating communist ideology. One key such incident occurred in September 2017, when human rights groups organized a series of discussions about history and past human rights abuses in the Jakarta Legal Aid building. The discussion mainly focused on seeking the truth of the 1965-1966 massacres. The anti-communist mob forcibly entered the building, tried to pull down the fence, threw stones at the building and broke windows. Approximately 1,000 protesters surrounded the building.
Besides anti-communist elements, the AHRC also documented several instances of the police violating the right to freedom of opinion and assembly. Recently, police brutally attacked journalists in Banten province and Papua. Earlier in October, the police forcibly dispersed peaceful protesters demanding the protection of the environment in Slamet mountain.
Taking into account the above mentioned human rights concerns, the AHRC calls on the government of Indonesia to seriously evaluate its policy related to the protection and fulfilment of human rights, as there is a clear gap between rights promotion and rights fulfilment. Despite the government having issued some important documents to accelerate human rights implementation in Indonesia, for instance the Presidential Regulation No. 75 of 2015 on Human Rights Action Plan 2015-2019 and the National Mid-Term Development Plan (RPJMN) 2015-2019, these documents have yet to bring any contribution to the realization of human rights.
The government should also work towards enhancing the professionalism of the police, military and civil service police unit, all of which are frequently involved in rights violations. The government should also seriously reform the criminal justice system, to ensure that the system is able to efficiently enforce the rule of law, which in turn will address human rights protection. All legal and justice reform must be in line with international standards.
[1] Indonesian human rights organization working on research and policy advocacy on national legal system

Document Type :

Document ID :

Countries :

Campaigns :
End Violence in West Papua

Issues :
Rule of law, Torture, Administration of justice, Arbitrary arrest and detention, Democracy, Enforced disappearances and abductions, Extrajudicial killings, Freedom of assembly,Freedom of religion, Human rights defenders, Inhuman and degrading treatment, Judicial system, Prosecution system,Right to fair trial, Right to life

US Discloses Documents on Papua Independence Struggle

December 11, 2017


MONDAY, 11 DECEMBER, 2017 | 21:42 WIB
US Discloses Documents on Papua Independence Struggle
Photo: Johannes P. Christo

TEMPO.CO, Jakarta – The United States has disclosed documents on Papua independence struggle. The documents say that Papuans asked for U.S. funding and armed them to fight Indonesian military in mid-1960.

The documents also recorded Papuan grievances about clashes with Indonesian security forces. Papuan nationalists have caught the attention of the United Nations (UN).

Read: TNI Guns Down Member of Armed Criminals in Papua

Researchers are currently trying to serve the documents online. AP reported that the dossier contains thousands of diplomatic telegrams between the U.S. State Department and Embassy in Jakarta. The documents recorded history from 1960 and were declassified early this year. Thirty-seven boxes of telegrams are stored at the National Archives and Records Administration in Maryland.

The documents say that around 1,000 Papuans were cheated out of their rights as citizens to vote to strengthen Indonesia’s foothold in 1969. Before the annexation, the Netherlands had said that it would allow Papuans to prepare for their own government. In 1967, the U.S. government assisted mining company Freeport to exploit rich mining and gold deposit in Papua.

In April 1966, the documents transmitted by telegraph cable between the State Department and the U.S. Embassy recorded the “eloquence and intensity” of Markus Kaisiepo, an exiled Papuan leader. Kaisiepo talked with U.S. senior official on the plight of Papuans under the Indonesian rule.

Kaisiepo said that Papuans were striving for independence, but they lack financial resources and military equipment to fight the Indonesian government. He asked whether the U.S. government could lend a hand.

The request was rejected just like a similar request from another Papuan leader Nicolaas Jouwe. His request for funding and firearms to the U.S. and Australia was denied.

The documents also show how Indonesian government officials looted Papua after Indonesia seized the region in 1962. It has left the region with a collapse in living standards, sparking anger that boiled over into outright rebellion.

But the most notable issue to the international community is the Indonesian government’s reluctance to uphold a settlement signed with the Netherlands brokered by the U.S. and the UN. The settlement holds that West Papuan holds the right to self-determination.

Read: Papua Police Secure Timika from Armed Criminals

Victor Yeimo, leader of pro-independence West Papua National Committee, said that the documents are ‘very important’ because they provide evidence of crimes against Papuans by Indonesian military and the United States’ role in denying their rights to self-determination.

Victor said that the U.S. economic and political interests played a major role in West Papua colonization. Information gained from these documents shows the world and today’s generation that the U.S. and Indonesia have been hand-in-hand in hiding the truth all along,” Yeimo was quoted as saying by AP.



2) West Papuans pleaded for US help in 1960s amid Indonesia takeover

6:47 am today
Declassified US files have revealed that West Papuans pleaded for Washington in the mid-1960s to help them fight Indonesia’s takeover of their territory.
AP reported that Papuan leaders sought money and arms, according to cables between the State Department and the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta from the 1960s.
An April 1966 cable recorded the "eloquence and intensity" of Markus Kaisiepo, an exiled Papuan leader, who spoke with a senior US official about the "desperate plight of the Papua people under Indonesian rule."
Mr Kaisiepo said Papuans were determined to have independence but were completely without financial resources or the military equipment needed to "rise against the Indonesian oppressors".
He was rebuffed, as was another Papuan leader, Nicolaas Jouwe, who made a similar request to the US in 1965 and also to Australia.
The US facilitated 1962’s controversial New York Agreement whch paved the way for Indonesia’s takeover of the former Dutch New Guinea.
Papuans, who were not consulted in the Agreement, began in pockets to resist Indonesian rule in the ensuing several years.
In response, Indonesian security forces launched a series of brutal crackdowns on Papuans.
Some cables described ‘slaughter’ of Papuans, and noted thousands of Papuan deaths in Indonesian bombing raids.
This occurred in the years leading up to the controversial Act of Free Choice, the 1969 referendum which sealed Papua’s incorporation into Indonesia.
However less than 0.2 percent of Papuans participated in the referendum which is widely regarded as having been stage-managed
AdminDec 11, 2017

Jayapura, Jubi – The Government of Papua will get 10 percent share in PT Freeport Indonesia. The value of shares is included in the master divestment agreement of PT Freeport Indonesia’s divestment, as much as 7 percent of which will be submitted to Mimika Regency.

“So the shares which is managed by Papua provincial government as much as 3 percent,” said Papua Governor, Lukas Enembe, in a press release to Jubi, in Jayapura, Wednesday (December 6).

Enembe said the divestment of these shares should not fall to just anyone, but government property that is not sold to anyone. “In this case PT Inalum (Persero) has been appointed as a holding company to manage the divestment of shares,” Enembe added.

It is noted that Papuan Governor Lukas Enembe with Mimika Regent Eltinus Omaleng officially signed the master divestment agreement of PT Freeport Indonesia divestment, at the Office of the Ministry of Finance Jakarta on Tuesday, December 5, 2017.

The draft agreement prepared by the Central Government has been discussed and studied, so if anything needs to be improved will be done immediately, it said.

According to Enembe, the contents of the main agreement mention government of Indonesia to get 51 percent of the divestment of freeport shares in which there is also the Government of Papua Province which gets 10 percent.

“Later on December 15, 2017, the agreement will be signed between PT Freeport Indonesia, the Central Government, the Government of Papua Province, and the Government of Mimika Regency,” he said.

Mimika Regent Eltinus Omaleng explained that the allocation of 7 percent to Mimika Regency will be divided for the community as much as 3 percent, and 3 percent for Mimika Regency, while 1 percent will be managed by the BUMD in addition to the income.

“We will form a special regional company that manages these shares,” said Eltinus.

Three percent of the community’s shares will be given to two existing tribes in the mine area in the form of a foundation to be managed.

Rp2 million needed to pay for illegal mining in Banti

Separetely, Papuan Legislator from Mimika and surrounding districts, Wilhelmus Pigai, said that from the information he collected, every citizen who wants to engage in a traditional mining activity in PT Freeport Indonesia (PTFI) mine’s area in Tembagapura District, Mimika Regency, need to pay as much as Rp1-RP2 million.

“I heard from the people who go up (the area of PT Freeport), they pay from Rp1 to Rp2 million to the officers,” said Wilhalmus Pigai to Jubi, Wednesday (December 6).

Himself supported the position of Papua Police Chief, Inspector General Boy Rafli Amarby forbidding non-Papuans from engaging such activities and reminding their members not to bring non-Papuans into Tembagapura District.

“There must be action to prevent people from re-entering and doing the activities in Tembagapura. I think the secutiries knows what action to take,” he said.

He said the local district government should also be more active, since there is already a signal from the police.

In addition, if any security officers are caught bringing people in to get pitch, it should be dealt with according to the applicable laws.

“The area of repatriation is a forbidden area, exactly where the Freeport waste is dumped – there is no activity there. It has always been forbidden for people to get there. How come they can get in? Who’s behind this? ”

He said that, in plain view, PTFI also has a number of sophisticated equipment and exceptional levels of security, to detect anyone coming in and out of the mining area.

Papua Police Chief, Inspector General Boy Rafli Amar said, he would take firm action against people who bring non-Papuans to the area of repatriation in Freeport Indonesia area.

He said, perhaps during this time there are unscrupulous members who bring non-Papuans into the area. But he promised after what it was called ‘evacuation” of the non Papuans out of Banti, there is no more mining activities.

“All this time there is no mining activity because it is illegal, if any of my members bring them in, I will take action, do not try me,” Boy Rafli said last week.(


AdminDec 11, 2017

Jayapura, Jubi – Commemorates the Bloody Paniai tragedy on December 8, 2014, four students and youth organizations: Papuan Youth and Student Movement (GEMPAR), Student Independent Forum (FIM), West Papua Student and Youth Solidarity (Sonamappa) and Papuan Student Alliance (AMP), staged a silent action by walking from Perumnas III Waena to Imbi Jayapura City, on Friday (December 8),in Jayapura.

Representative of Gempar Papua, Nelius Wenda, said that the case should not be forgotten, and that their movement is part of “refuse to forget” movement. Therefore, the action continues to be done as a sense of grief. “We commemorate it by doing silent action and walking,” he said.

He continued, the people of Papua are still grieving as perceived by the families of the victims. “Today the judicial process to unveil the perpetrators, has not worked, and even the promise of Indonesian President on Christmas 2014 in Mandala field is not well realized,” he said.

Meanwhile, Chairman I of Sonamappa, Pilipus Robaha, said the action they held is aimed for those in office to not forget the case.

“We want the legislators, law enforcement agencies in Papua, not to forget the Paniai case it is a very heartbreaking for Papuans, since it happens when Papuans are preparing themselves to welcome Christmas. ”

FIM Secretary General, Alex Mujijau, demand for more democratic space for Papuans. “Let us deliver the cases of human rights violations to be known internationally,” he said.(*)

AdminDec 11, 2017

Oro, Jubi – Northern Governor Gary Juffa says he would allocate land for West Papua people with PNG citizenship to settle in his province.

“Some are now residing in Northern and I also urge other provinces to allow West Papuans who are now PNG citizens to settle in their provinces,” Juffa said.

During the 53rd West Papuan flag-raising ceremony in Port Moresby on Friday, Juffa also committed K5000 for next year’s anniversary.

The event held at the Jack Pidik Park was to commemorate West Papuans’ independence from their Dutch colonisers in 1964 before their annexing as an Indonesian province. The annexing did not go down well, with some being forced to flee across border to live in PNG.

Meanwhile Jean Parkop, wife of National Capital District Governor Powes Parkop, has urged Papua New Guineans to help the West Papuans to get their citizenship and National Identification Cards.

Parkop, who is also a West Papuan Freedom activist, said: “The government has done its part to allow West Papuans to get their citizenships freely.

“So let’s help and allow them to settle on our land. That is the only way we can help them. Let them stay and take part in our political issues. Let them stay and contribute to our economy until they return to their homes.”(The National/Jubi)

APNewsBreak: Files show birth of Papua independence struggle

December 11, 2017

APNewsBreak: Files show birth of Papua independence struggle

By Stephen Wright | AP December 10 at 9:38 PM

JAKARTA, Indonesia — Prominent Papuans pleaded for the U.S. to give them money and arms in the mid-1960s to fight Indonesia’s colonization of their vast remote territory, according to recently declassified American files that show the birth of an independence struggle that endures half a century later.

The documents add to the historical evidence of deep Papuan grievances against Indonesia at a time when clashes between rebels and Indonesian security forces have flared in the impoverished region and Papuan nationalists have succeeded in drawing more attention to their cause at the United Nations. Indonesia’s defense minister said last week that activists who attended a recent pro-Papuan independence meeting in Vanuatu should be arrested on return to Indonesia.

The files are among the thousands of pages of cables between the State Department and the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta from the 1960s that were declassified earlier this year. The 37 boxes of telegrams are stored at the National Archives and Records Administration in Maryland and researchers are working on making them available online.

Papua, which makes up the western half of the giant island of New Guinea, remained in Dutch hands after Indonesia shook off colonial rule at the end of World War II. Many Indonesians saw their government’s campaign in the early 1960s to take Papua from the Dutch as the final victory in their struggle for independence. But to Papuans, with a Melanesian culture and history distinct from Southeast Asia, Indonesia was a hostile colonizer.

The rest of the world looked away as a rigged vote of a little more than 1,000 hand-picked and closely managed Papuans cemented Indonesia’s control in 1969. The Netherlands, which before annexation was preparing Papua for self-rule, did not object. The U.S., which in 1967 helped American mining company Freeport secure rights to exploit rich copper and gold deposits in Papua, did not want to upset a status quo favorable for U.S. business or destabilize Indonesia’s pro-U.S. government.

An April 1966 cable from the State Department recorded the “eloquence and intensity” of Markus Kaisiepo, an exiled Papuan leader, who spoke with a senior U.S. official about the “desperate plight of the Papua people under Indonesian rule.”

Kaisiepo said Papuans were determined to have independence but were completely without financial resources or the military equipment needed to “rise against the Indonesian oppressors.”

Kaisiepo, whose son would also become a prominent advocate for Papuan independence, asked if the U.S. “could provide money and arms secretly to assist him and his movement.” He was rebuffed, as was another Papuan leader, Nicolaas Jouwe, who made a similar request to the U.S. in September 1965 and also to Australia.

The documents also show how officials looted the region after Indonesia annexed it in 1962 and brought about a collapse in living standards, stoking anger that boiled over into outright rebellion. But the biggest source of resentment was Indonesia’s reluctance to honor its U.N.-supervised and U.S.-brokered treaty with the Netherlands, which mandated that Papuans would decide in a plebiscite whether to stay with Indonesia or become self-ruled.

After U.N. troops left Papua, Indonesians systematically looted public buildings and sent the booty to Jakarta, the April 1966 cable said, citing Kaisiepo. Hospitals built by the Dutch were stripped of beds, X-ray equipment and medicines, desks were taken from schools and soldiers stole anything “that took their fancy” from private homes.

Other cables citing American missionaries working in Papua described widespread food shortages, and how Indonesian officials bought up all consumer goods and shipped them out of Papua for a profit. When shipments of goods and food arrived at ports, Indonesian troops would commandeer them.

Victor Yeimo, chairman of the pro-Independence West Papuan National Committee, said the documents are “very important” because they provide evidence of crimes against Papuans by the Indonesian military and the U.S. role in denying self-determination. Administratively, Indonesia divides the region into two provinces, Papua and West Papua, but Papuans refer to both as West Papua.

“Information gained from these documents shows the world and today’s generation that the U.S. and Indonesia have been hand-in-hand in hiding the truth all along. The economic and political interests of the U.S. played a big role in West Papua’s colonization,” Yeimo said. “We, West Papuans, have been butchered since Indonesia first entered our land and up to now. And we have never seen any justice.”

Papuans were not without supporters in the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta but their views did not prevail. In August 1965, the embassy’s political officer Edward E. Masters recommended the department leak word of violent uprisings against Indonesia’s rule in Papua to the world press. Without the glare of publicity, Papuans would suffer “complete colonial subjugation” by Indonesia, he wrote in a prescient cable.

Citing the U.S. role in negotiating the 1962 treaty between the Netherlands and Indonesia, Masters wrote “we would appear to have a special responsibility to see that the terms of that treaty concerning ascertainment of the true wishes of the Papuan people are respected.”

Another cable written by Ambassador Marshall Green, however, described Papuans as “stone-age” people. Their “horizons are strictly limited,” it said, and they weren’t capable of deciding their own future, contradicting other assessments by the embassy of Papuans’ widespread desire for independence.

Word of violent uprisings, which began about March 1965, began trickling out of Papua as American missionaries who were working in the region visited Jakarta and embassy officials tapped sources in the Indonesian military for information.

In June 1965, rebels launched a full-scale attack on a government post in the town of Wamena that killed at least a dozen Indonesian soldiers and an unknown number of Papuans.

“No figure on the number of Papuans killed is available but one informant described it as a ‘slaughter,’ since almost the only weapons in the hands of the highland Papuans were knives and bows and arrows,” said a cable sent two months later.

The same document reported that rebels overran most of Manokwari, a major coastal town, in early August and held it for a week until beaten back by Indonesian soldiers.

A massacre by Indonesian forces the previous month may have been a catalyst for that attack.

A Dutch missionary told U.S. officials that rebels had shot three soldiers raising a flag in a valley near Manokwari in late July.

“Indo reaction was brutal,” said a cable transmitted in September 1965. “Soldiers next day sprayed bullets at any Papuan in sight and many innocent travelers on roads gunned down. Bitterness thus created not easily healed.”

By early 1967, there were persistent rumors within Indonesia and abroad that 1,000 to 2,000 Papuans had been killed by an Indonesian air force bombing campaign.

Self-determination resistance continues in West Papua

December 8, 2017

Self-determination resistance continues in West Papua — Roshni Kapur
DECEMBER 8 — The province of West Papua continues to be shrouded in secrecy from the rest of the world. West Papua’s struggle for independence from the Indonesian government has been simmering for half a century. The conflict has received

Self-determination resistance continues in West Papua

Friday December 8, 2017 07:06 PM GMT+8

DECEMBER 8 — The province of West Papua continues to be shrouded in secrecy from the rest of the world. West Papua’s struggle for independence from the Indonesian government has been simmering for half a century. The conflict has received little media coverage since the Indonesian government has managed to block and censor information. The government has also implemented a policy that bars foreign journalists from entering West Papua, hence preventing stories of human rights violations from being reported and reaching the outside world.

West Papua was the only territory of the East Indies Empire which the Dutch did not give to Indonesia. In 1961, the Dutch formed a national assembly and the Morning Star flag was hoisted declaring its independence. Soon after, Indonesia invaded West Papua with the military support of the Soviet Union.

The US intervened by brokering the New York Agreement without consulting or involving the indigenous people. The agreement gave Indonesia interim control of West Papua until the 1969 Act of Free Choice, a UN-sponsored referendum to vote for either independence or integration will be held. Instead of holding a universal referendum, only one per cent of the population was handpicked to vote. Those selected by the authorities were intimidated with force which resulted in a unanimous vote that was in favour of joining Indonesia.

Although the outcome of the referendum was unopposed around that time, many West Papuans think that their mandate was not taken into account on whether they want to be a part of Indonesia. The Indonesian government wrests their control of West Papua through the New York agreement.

The West Papua resistance is the most protracted conflict in the Pacific which is a highly sensitive issue for Indonesia. Almost 500,000 people have been killed since Indonesia’s annexation in 1969. The province is the most heavily militarised place of Indonesia with around 45,000 military personnel currently deployed. In 2012, security forces deployed in Wamena ambushed civilians and burned down houses and vehicles. The violence continued where in May 2015 some 487 activists were arrested for taking part in the signature-raising campaign, where some were subjected to torture.

Jokowi’s administration

There have been high hopes that the incumbent Indonesian president Joko Widodo may bring in new reforms on Indonesia’s policy towards West Papua. He granted release to five West Papuan inmates and removed restrictions on international media during his visit to the province in May 2015.

“The Jokowi administration has been trying to improve the human rights, economic, and security conditions in Papua,” DrIkrar Nusa Bhakti, a research professor at the Research Centre for Politics was quoted in an online article on ABC.

“Mr Jokowi has visited Papua four times and become the first Indonesian president (to) spend his time and attentions on Papua,” he added.

Although Widodo has tried to pacify Melanesian leaders that Indonesia upholds democracy, the police continue to use unrestrained force on West Papua.

The UN now faces regional pressure to probe the alleged human rights violations in West Papua. In March 2017, seven Pacific countries, led by Vanuatu, pushed for an UN inquiry into the alleged human rights abuses such as extrajudicial executions, fatal shootings and beatings of nonviolent protesters.

The appeal on behalf of the seven states was made by Vanuatu’s Justice Minister Ronald Warsal during a session in the UN Human Rights Council who requested for a detailed report from the high commissioner for human rights.

“To date the Government of Indonesia has not been able to curtail or halt these various and widespread violations,” he said.

“Neither has that Government been able to deliver justice for the victims. Nor has there been any noticeable action to address these violations by the Indonesian Government,” he added.

In response, Indonesia has denied that human rights abuses are rife in West Papua and criticised the countries for meddling into its affairs.

“The Indonesian Government has always endeavoured to address any allegation of human rights violation as well as taking preventative measures and delivering justice,” an Indonesian Government spokesperson told the Human Rights Council.

Some think that chances remain slim for an UN supervised referendum without approval from the Indonesian government who is ferociously against holding another referendum. West Papua’s mandate for liberation is the government’s biggest nightmare.

“The TNI (Indonesian Armed Forces) has made very clear it will not allow it, and no president has sufficient political will or capital to push it that hard,” Damien Kingsbury, Professor of International Politics at Deakin University in Melbourne was quoted in an online article on Pasifik News.

On the other hand, others think that the heightened awareness from the unwavering and persisted self-determination struggle may be a positive step.

“We need to look at what the movement has been able to achieve in recent years in terms of raising the profile of this issue not just in our region but across the world,” said Tess Newton Cain, political analyst from the Vanuatu-based TNC Consulting.

High-profile politicians such as Britain’s opposition Leader Jeremy Corbyn have also backed the resistance movement, calling for a political strategy for West Papuans.

“It’s about a political strategy that brings to worldwide recognition the plight of the people of West Papua, that forces it onto a political agenda, that forces it to the UN, and ultimately allows the people of West Papua to make a choice about the kind of government they want and the kind of society in which they want to live,” he said during a meeting of the International Parliamentarians for West Papua at the House of Commons in the UK.

The mountainous region, comprising the provinces of Papua and West Papua, is home to more than 250 Melanesian ethnic groups. The tribes have not shown any inclination to join Indonesia, a country with which there is no common culture, history, ethnicity or religion. West Papuans belong to the Melanesian race. In 2007, the province’s name changed from West Irian Jaya to West Papua to fulfil the aspirations of the indigenous people.

Indonesia’s sovereignty of West Papua is recognised by most countries including the US and Australia. Australia has said that Indonesia’s rule over the region Papua provinces is defined by the 2006 Lombok Treaty. However, many Pacific island countries think that another referendum should be held to decide West Papua’s sovereignty.

The province is a poverty-stricken region even though it is one of the most mineral-rich areas in the world. According to the Australian Institute of International Affairs, the poverty level in the province is thrice more than Indonesia’s national average.

Indeed secession movements against an occupation are a tall order where the propensity of achieving full secession is grim. The self-determination resistance will continue until West Papuans are not given the freedom of choice to decide about their political future. Getting outsiders involved in the movement might be one way to push for democratic reform that will restore the dignity, freedom and respect for them.

*Roshni Kapur graduated from the University of Sydney where she specialised in Master of Peace and Conflict Studies. Her research interests are in the areas of women’s rights, civil society, and migration, conflict transformation and reconciliation.

**This is the personal opinion of the writer and does not necessarily represents the views of Malay Mail Online.

A google translate. Be-aware google translate can be a bit erratic.
Original bahasa link at

Penembakan di hadapan ribuan masyarakat Paniai itu pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) berat di Papua.

2) In remembering Paniai bleeding, the people will boycott the election
Jumat, 08 Desember 2017 — 16:37

Papua No. 1 News Portal | Jubi,

Paniai, Jubi – Paniai district, Papua, is planning to boycott the 2019 general election, disillusioned with the government’s disregard for the bloody Paniai incident on December 8, 2014. The shooting in front of thousands of Paniai people was a gross violation of Human Rights in Papua.

"Since the incident of this case, Paniai people do not believe in the Indonesian government that should solve the case through Komnas HAM RI," Paniai youth leader Tinus Pigai told Jubi on Friday (8/12/2017).

Tinus considers the state to be responsible, what more has been the law number 39 of 1999, about human rights and law number 26 year 2000 about human rights court.

"The process stagnates by the
"The government has not set a perpetrator accountable for his actions," Father said.

He requested that the Papuan people not forget the case of Paniai Berdarah. "President Jokowi promised to investigate the case, but until now there is no clarity," Pater asserted (*)

government, so once again we are ready to boycott the election," said Tinus added.

He regretted the government’s stance of non-enforcement does not protect the Melanesian nation in the land of Papua. The incident happened exactly December 8, 2014 then it caused high school students each Yulianus Yeimo, Apinus Gobai, Simon Degei and Alpius You died, and 17 other students were injured.

According to Tinus, the incident was apparently carried out openly by the joint forces of the TNI and Police in Karel Square, Gobai.

The Catholic figure in Paniai, Father Santon Tekege, Pr said the brutal shoot incident that caused the young generation’s casualties had not been legally accounted for.

A google translate. Be-aware google translate can be a bit erratic.
Original bahasa link at

Pesawat itu berhasil mendarat setelah beberapa kali berputar di udara.

3) The plane was shot during a shootout at Lanny Jaya
Kamis, 07 Desember 2017 — 19:32

Papua No. 1 News Portal | Jubi,

Wamena, Jubi – A plane belonging to Demonim Air airline with the aim of Tiom was shot when a shootout in Lanny Jaya, not long ago. The plane managed to land after several times spinning in the air.

"But now the situation is safe and back to normal," said Lanny Jaya regional secretary Christian Sohilait, Thursday (7/12/2017).

Christian said the shooting also made the flow of Wamena-Tiom transport was halted for three hours. "Because it happened in front of the highway, and also had one flight," Christian said, adding.

The shooting of the plane raises fears of flying to Tiom, but the government has already explained to security aviation that it has returned to normal by the apparatus guarantees.

According to Christian, police officers from Jayawijaya Police have been backing up Police officer Lanny Jaya, so the situation of Tiom is safe and the transportation has returned as usual.

"Even the bupati has also given an appeal to the community to remain calm and not to evacuate because the security forces have taken action," he said.

He mentioned there were security personnel at Polres Lanny Jaya 60 people, Brimob 30 people, TNI combined 50, with a total of 130 personnel ready to take over security in Tiom.

Earlier, the Free Papua Movement (OPM) led by Purom, Okiman Wenda, headquartered in Lanny Jaya region, claimed to be the perpetrator of the shooting at Lanny Jaya Police Station in Tiom.

"It was us who did the shooting, when we happened to pass and Lanny Jaya Police apparatus was apple, then we fired," said Okiman.

He claimed there were two police officers who were hit, while the shootings were spontaneous as they passed near Polres Lanny Jaya.


December 5, 2017


2 December 2017, Index number: ASA 21/7535/2017

Indonesian authorities must immediately conduct an independent, impartial and effective investigation into allegations of torture leading to the death of a man in Kimaam, Merauke district, Papua Province and bring the perpetrators to justice in fair trials. Providing compensation to the victim’s family cannot substitute for the state’s obligation to ensure justice in the case. Amnesty International Indonesia also calls for all cases concerning human rights violations and crimes under international law to be tried before civilian courts.

Gov’t Must Step Up Focus on Human Rights: Amnesty International

December 5, 2017
Gov’t Must Step Up Focus on Human Rights: Amnesty International

By : Sheany | on 3:20 PM December 05, 2017

Jakarta. With its official launch in the country set for Thursday (07/12), Amnesty International Indonesia emphasized the need for the government to step up focus on human rights issues and warned that neglecting human right violations can impede the country’s growth.

Speaking at a press conference in Menteng, Central Jakarta, on Monday, chairman of the board for Amnesty International Indonesia, Todung Mulya Lubis, said that despite progress in democracy, political life and the economy, Indonesia still needs to pay more attention to human rights issues.

"There’s still plenty that must be done to resolve past human rights violations […] Indonesia won’t have smooth progress if those remain unresolved, it will always obstruct the way," Todung said.

The London-based organization hopes to push Indonesia to be a global player in upholding human rights with its local chapter.

"Amnesty International Indonesia wants to urge Indonesia to take a global role in the human rights movement. That’s one of our dreams," Monica Tanuhandaru, one of the board members, said.

She emphasized that economic development in Asia, Southeast Asia and Indonesia will be "meaningless without justice of human rights."

However, as the world bears witness to changing political dynamics across the globe, it is no longer solely the role of the government to ensure protection of human rights. Rather, it should be the product of a collective act from all members of society.

"[The] state is becoming weaker and weaker. Efforts to uphold and protect human rights must be done by civil society, but this doesn’t mean that we deny the existence of the state," Todung expressed.

Amnesty International Indonesia hopes to "unite all human rights movements that are present in Indonesia," especially as it aims to urge the government to resolve human rights violations.

For decades, the Indonesian government has provided little clarity on how it will address past human rights violations, including violations allegedly committed in 1965 and 1998, as well as those resulting from past conflicts in Papua, West Papua and East Timor.

Promises that these violations will be duly addressed was popular among candidates during the country’s last presidential campaigns, but real commitments to human rights from the current administration seem to have been overridden by priorities on other aspects, such as the economy and infrastructure development.

Sidarto Danusubroto, a member of the Presidential Advisory Board (Wantimpres), said that telling the truth in Indonesia is "not a simple process" and will likely require a long time.

While the government has programs for human rights, it is facing "economic issues" that must be resolved, he said.

"I’m afraid that if the government also has to resolve past human rights violations, current programs for the economy will weaken," Sidarto defended.

Countries like South Africa and Chile, Sidarto said, have "built their memories of human rights" through museums.

He reflected on the importance of these countries being able "to admit their dark past without the need to hide," and expressed his hopes that Indonesia will eventually get there.

"I hope, one day, we’ll get there – where we don’t have to be ashamed to speak of our dark past," Sidarto said.

Amnesty International Indonesia will launch its #JoinForces initiative on December 7, coinciding with the 517th Kamisan – a silent protest in front of the State Palace in Central Jakarta – as a form of solidarity to the protesters who have been demanding that the Indonesian government solve past cases of human rights abuses, which was initiated by friends and family members of 1998 student activist victims, every Thursday afternoon for the past 10 years.

The organization will also host simultaneous events across Indonesia between December 7 and 10, including in Bandung (West Java), Solo (Central Java) and Makassar (South Sulawesi).

The initiative is focused on combating growing "scapegoat" politics and the rise of negative populism that the organization said has "undermined the basic rights of minority groups."


1. The 1st United Liberation Movement for West Papua Leaders Summit was held in Port Vila, Vanuatu on 27 November to 3 December.

2. The Official Opening of the Summit was held at the Malvatuamuri Council of Chiefs’ Nakamal Complex, in Saralana. HE. Hon. Mr. Charlot Salwai MP, Prime Minister of Vanuatu made the opening remarks accompanied by the Deputy Prime Minister of Vanuatu, the Hon. Mr. Joe Natuman MP. Also present was Minister of Lands, Hon. Ralph Regenvanu, MP., Parliamentary Secretary/Special Envoy for West Papua to the Prime Minister, Hon. Jonny Koanapo, MP and Hon. Andrew Napuat, MP. The Opening Ceremony included the raising of the Vanuatu National Flag followed by the raising of the Morning Star Flag and West Papua National anthem “Hai Tanahku Papua”, which was sung by all Papuan leaders, delegation and support groups. A traditional ceremony of welcome dance was performed by the youths from Malakula. The Leaders then convened for the plenary at the Chief Nakamal building.
3. The Summit was chaired by the ULMWP Council Committee:
Mr. Andy Ayamiseba, Chairman of West Papua National Coalition for Liberation (WPNCL), Mr. Buchtar Tabuni, Chairman of National Parliament of West Papua (NPWP) and Mr. Edison Waromi, Prime Minister of the Federated Government of West Papua (NRFPB).
4. Leaders in attendance included the representative of the WPNCL, NPWP, NRFPB, The National Liberation Army of West Papua (TPN-PB), Military Council of the National Liberation Army (DM-TPNPB), Army of the Republic of West Papua (TRWP), the Customary Council of West Papua (DAP), West Papua Liberation Organisation (WPLO) and Alliance of Papuan Students (AMP).
5. The representatives of Vanuatu Cultural Centre, Port Vila, Tongoa Shepherds Women Association, Australia West Papua Association (AWPA), Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Australia, International Academic for West Papua-Australia, as Observers to the Summit and addressed the meeting.
6. Leaders also welcomed the Special Guest to the First ULMWP Leaders Summit. The Front de Liberation Nationale Kanak Socialiste (FLNKS), representative of MSG and Solomon Island to addressed the meeting.
7. Leaders considered and approved the Rules and Procedures of the First ULMWP Leaders’ Summit 2017.
8. The Leaders also noted that there were requests to the Council Committee to further develop procedures and criteria to assess non-affiliated Papuan resistance group applications for ULMWP membership to be considered.
9. The Leaders also noted that the UN-based MSG Ambassadors, Vanuatu Ambassador. Solomon Island Ambassador would be requested to be involved in consultations with the Decolonization Committee (C24) on the issue of West Papua regarding the West Papua Petition on self-determination toward political independence.
10 Leaders agreed to continue work with, develop and maintain the relationship with the 8 (Eight) Pacific Coalition for West Papua, MSG, PIF, ACP, CARRICOM, ACP-EU, and all West Papua support groups regarding the issue of West Papua right to self-determination toward political independence.
11. Leaders noted an update on the situation in West Papua and recognized that the human rights situation is becoming worse there, the Papuans and the Indonesians who support the human rights and the self-determination of West Papua were arrested and tortured.
12. As required by the Rules and Procedures, the Secretary General presented the Secretariat’s 2014-2017 Report to the Leaders for their consideration and approval.
13. The Leaders considered and received the following:
(I) Report by the ULMWP Secretary General on the Secretariat’s Activities for the First Period of Work (2014-2017) included the Report from the ULMWP Liaison Team from West Papua; (II) Report by the ULMWP Working Committee (Ad Hoc Committee); (III) Draft of the Amendment of the By-Laws of the organization; (IV) Draft of the Regulation of the organization; (V) Draft of the Rules and Procedure of Finance; (VI) Draft of the Ethical Code of the organization; and (VII) Draft of the Job Descriptions
14. Leaders considered and subsequently adopted the Secretary General’s Report.
15. Leaders considered, discussed and approved the following:
(I) Report by the ULMWP Secretary General on the Secretariat’s Activities for the First Period of Work (2014-2017) included the Report from the ULMWP Liaison Team from West Papua; (II) Report by the ULMWP Working Committee (Ad Hoc Committee); (III) Draft of the Amendment of the By-Laws of the organization;
(IV) Draft of the Regulation of the organization; (V) Draft of the Rules and Procedure of Finance (VI) Draft of the Ethical Code of the organization (VII) Draft of the Job Descriptions
16. As required by the By-Laws and the Rules of Procedures Leaders nominated and elected the new structure of the Executive Committee of the ULMWP Leadership for the second period of the Work Term 2018-2021.
Leaders appointed are as follows:
Chair: Benny Wenda
Deputy Chair: Octovianus Mote
Secretary: Rex Rumakiek
Spokesperson: Jacob Rumbiak
Treasurer: Paula Makabory
Member: Oridek Ap
17. The 1 December celebrations and the Official Handing Over Ceremony of ULMWP Building commenced with a rally and march attended by ULMWP leadership, delegates from West Papua and solidarity groups from Vanuatu, Kanaky, Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea, Australia and the United Kingdom. The march concluded at the new ULMWP Head Office in Anabrou where the Handing Over Ceremony was held. Opening remarks were made by West Papua Unification Committee, Pastor Allen Nafuki, followed by Deputy Prime Minister of Vanuatu, the Hon. Mr. Joe Natuman MP and HE. Hon. Mr. Charlot Salwai MP, Prime Minister of Vanuatu. Also in attendance was Minister of Lands, Hon. Ralph Regenvanu, MP., Parliamentary Secretary/Special Envoy for West Papua to the Prime Minister, Hon. Johnny Koanapo, MP and Hon. Andrew Napuat, MP. The flags of Vanuatu and West Papua flew together and the National anthem “Hai Tanahku Papua” was sung by all Papuan leaders and delegation. Minister for Lands, Mr. Regenvanu handed over the keys to the building to ULMWP Chairman, Benny Wenda and Deputy Chair, Octovianus Mote. The building was officially opened by Prime Minister of Vanuatu. Mr. Salwai. After a tour of the building, the West Papuan delegation provided gifts to the Vanuatu government that were received in a traditional Melanesian ceremony of thanks by the National Council of Chiefs. ULMWP Chairman, Benny Wenda, addressed the delegates about the success of the Summit, the renewed commitment to unity and the growing strength in the movement inside West Papua as well as the international solidarity campaign. Pastor Peter Ranbel offered a Closing Prayer, which was followed by a Kava Ceremony with the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister as the traditional sealing of the Official Handing Over Ceremony.

December 5, 2017