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Nine reportedly arrested in Biak and Supiori for rejecting Special Autonomy

January 16, 2021

Nine reportedly arrested in Biak and Supiori for rejecting Special

Suara Papua – January 8, 2021

Jayapura — Several people from villages in Biak and Supiori, Papua,
were reportedly arrested between January 4-7 by a joint unit of TNI
(Indonesian military) and Indonesian police (Polri) without arrest

Based on information gathered by Suara Papua, the individuals were
picked up on the grounds that they were involved in protest actions
opposing the extension of Papuan Special Autonomy (Otsus), which will
expire this year.

In addition to this, they were deemed to have supported the declaration
of a provisional West Papuan administration declared by the United
Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) on December 1 last year.

When they were making the arrests, the security personnel claimed they
were acting on the orders of the Biak regent.

Based on reports received by Suara Papua, several local priests and
church staff were also visited and questioned, including the Manwor
village chief.

Manwor villagers say they have been feeling intimidated by joint patrols
by TNI and police from North Biak.

As well as being questioned, the TNI and police officers also asked the
church council to make a statement supporting Papuan Special Autonomy.

The people arrested included three priests who were questioned by the
North Biak sectoral police, one village head, and five civilians who
were arrested and taken to the Sorndiweri district police in Supiori.

[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was
"Sembilan Orang Dikabarkan Ditahan Aparat di Biak Karena Menolak Otsus


‘A cancer at the heart of the UN’: Indonesia’s escalating West Papua conflict

January 3, 2021



‘A cancer at the heart of the UN’: Indonesia’s escalating West Papua conflict

On 1 December, the United Liberation Movement for West Papua announced the formation of a “provisional government”, a move that has seen Indonesia increase its military presence and crack down on independence activists in the restive breakaway province


Papuan activists with their faces painted in the Morning Star flag during a rally in Jakarta, Indonesia, 28 August 2019. Photo: EPA-EFE/Bagus Indahono

Fly River, western Papua New Guinea. The chocolate brown water not only bears its colour due to high concentration levels of humus, it is also the result of centuries of floating timber transports and decades of spilled waste from the Ok Tedi mine mill, situated near the river’s source.

The dense forestry along the western riverbank glares into a political no-man’s-land. The river cuts the border between where Papua New Guinea ends, and West Papua begins. On both sides of the river, vast jungle corridors lead into villages populated by people who fled the Indonesian military, now living lives either as internally displaced people in West Papua, or as forgotten refugees in Papua New Guinea. They are neither fully integrated to the everyday life tied to the Fly river, nor able to return home – their home, in fact, is not even allowed to exist under Indonesian law.

Since December 2018, West Papua has been a war zone where unarmed civilians die behind closed doors and 40,000-odd IDPs are dependent on emergency aid from local churches, in what is a terra incognita for independent journalists and international aid organisations. Calls for the Indonesian government in Jakarta to hand the West Papuan people its long-awaited referendum on independence are met by warfare, mass arrests and extrajudicial killings. It was a promise made to the West Papuan people by the United Nations in the early 1960s – a promise thus far never granted, although never forgotten.

2020 – the year of Covid-19 ­– has converted into a decisive eleventh hour, where Indonesia’s six-decade-long rule has been sincerely questioned and openly threatened as among some of the most ardent calls for West Papuan independence to date have arisen. On 1 December, The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) announced the formation of a “Provisional Government,” led by President Benny Wenda, a former political prisoner who has lived in exile in London for many years.

“This is about showing the world that the ULMWP is ready to take over the country, and represents a viable alternative to Indonesian rule,” Benny Wenda told the Globe in a recent interview.

This manner of rule by Indonesia has led to grim stories told and retold in vivid detail by inhabitants of the village Dome, a West Papuan settlement on the Fly River. Bomb raids and large-scale military operations, followed by long and exhausting treks through thick jungle to temporary safety in the vicinity of Papua New Guinea. A protracted existence, they await the arrival of an independent West Papua, liberated from Indonesian sovereignty that has held their lives, forests, mountains and rivers hostage since the early 1960s.

West Papua is Indonesia’s colonised easternmost corner – where Southeast Asia ends, and the South Pacific begins. This is also one of Indonesia’s poorest and most undeveloped corners, despite sitting on top of one of the planet’s most lucrative gold and copper reserves.

It was no coincidence that the recent announcement of a provisional government occurred on 1 December. The date marks the anniversary of the 1961 ceremonial opening of the West Papuan parliament in Jayapura, when the western half of New Guinea was underway to broker independence from the Netherlands.

The dawn of a nation was near, in a time of global decolonisation.

But, far away from the colonial masses in the UN headquarters in New York, the Dutch colonial power and the Indonesian government brokered a deal in 1962, “The New York Agreement”, which paved the way for Indonesian rule of west New Guinea, awaiting a UN-led referendum. This resulted in the “Act of Free Choice” in 1969 – a “referendum” in West Papua in which only a little over 1,000 selected elders were allowed to participate.

The result, not surprisingly, was in favour of Indonesian integration.

“Many who were chosen to cast their votes have explained that they were forced to ‘vote’ to become a part of Indonesia – literally at gunpoint. All this occurred with the silent complicity of the UN,” said Jason MacLeod, an Australian academic who has taught civil resistance at the University of Sydney and author of Merdeka and Morning Star.

With more than 20 years of experience of social work in West Papua, he quite literally stumbled upon the knowledge of the conflict along a muddy road off the beaten track. Here, he realised the David versus Goliath-like conflict, meeting a man who told him about Indonesian military operations in the Baliem Valley – something never mentioned in Australian textbooks. The Indonesian military had come, bombarded and cleared villages, finally dropping unarmed civilians into the rivers, which was soon coloured in red. “Tell the world my story,” the man pleaded.

Two-headed response

The Indonesian government, led by President Joko Widodo, has respondedto the ULMWPs demand for an UN-instigated referendum on independence – something Kosovo, South Sudan, and previously Indonesian-occupied East Timor have been awarded in the past two decades – with political indifference and military escalation in recent months.

“Two things have happened as a result of the proclamation of a provisional West Papuan government,” said Socratez Yoman, president of the Fellowship of Baptist Churches of West Papua. “First, Indonesia has increased its number of troops, and second, West Papua Council of Churches endorses the announcement and welcomes the media attention it has brought to the conflict.”

Jacob Rumbiak, the spokesperson for the provisional government, who for many years has lived in exile, believes the overwhelming violence and repression is a blatant attempt to erase future West Papuan leaders.

“We’ve never witnessed this amount of violence and repression as of now,” he warned.

We met children who told us they had to flee helicopter attacks while they attended class. They left everything behind and walked for days before reaching safety in Wamena

West Papua’s current conflict and humanitarian crisis erupted in December 2018 in Nduga regency in the central highlands. Some 20-odd workers of Istaka Kaya – a semi state-controlled construction company, constructing bridges as part of Indonesia’s mega infrastructure project “Trans-Papua” – were caught photographing a guerilla assembly, where the forbidden Morning Star flag was raised. They were executed shortly afterwards, while an Indonesian soldier was also killed in the following commotion.

The Indonesian military moved quickly to retaliate and launched large-scale operations in Nduga. Villages were bombed and burned, and civilians were killed. Over 40,000 civilians sought refuge in the mountains and vast forests. Many have since resided in temporary refugee camps, not yet recognised as internally displaced people by the Indonesian state, which does not acknowledge the conflict as a “conflict” at all.

“Many who died in conflict died alone, without anyone by their side in the end,” Theo Hesegem, director of Frontline Defenders, told the Globe.

Hesegem belongs to an already endangered species, running the risk to soon be eradicated in West Papua: human rights workers with knowledge of the conflict and author of close-to-the-ground reports, straight from the conflict zones. Tireless travels paid for from his own pocket take him to forgotten spots in the central highlands, where he interviews, listens and documents human rights violations.

Hesegem’s reports are often detailed and impressive documents, but his emergency calls from a desolated people seldom break through the political dome surrounding West Papua, imposed by Indonesian authorities. More than 200 politically motivated arrests were made by Indonesian authorities in 2019-20, of which 57 await treason trials. Far away from the demonstrations in the streets of urban areas, at least 243 civilian liveswere spilled in Indonesia’s military operation in Nduga.

“The situation in Nduga remains unsafe, it’s still chaotic and utterly worrisome,” he said.

One of few outsiders with first-hand knowledge of the West Papuan IDPs dire conditions is Peter Prove, director of the World Council of Churches’ Commission of the Churches on International Affairs. What he witnessed in February 2019 in Wamena, eastern West Papua, was nothing he had ever seen before.

“We met children who told us they had to flee helicopter attacks while they attended class. They left everything behind and walked for days before reaching safety in Wamena. Along the road they saw death and many of the children were alone, without their families,” he said.

I can’t think of any other place where the international community hasn’t been present. I found that extraordinary

The WCC commission were also introduced to cannisters used by the Indonesian military. Chemical weapons, which the Indonesian government denies were used during the “security operation”.

“We witnessed wounds which looked like the result of usage of white phosphorous,” said Prove.

Perhaps most striking was the fact that hundreds of young people, displaced by conflict, were taken care of by the local church community, without any coordinated international response.

“I can’t think of any other place where the international community hasn’t been present. I found that extraordinary,” said Prove.

The perfect storm

Indonesia’s military operations in Nduga laid the foundation of a perfect storm, one which not even President Widodo seems capable of controlling.

Besides repelling low-intensity guerilla warfare against isolated military posts and sneak-attacks against Freeport-McMoRan’s gold and copper mining operations in Timika – the mine is Indonesia’s single most important tax income source – the Jakarta government continues to expand its military presence without much investment in dialogue.

The results are mass arrests of peaceful independence activists, the crackdown on social movements and the killings of religious leaders – among them 63-year-old Pastor Yeremia Zanambani, who was killed while feeding his pigs in Intan Jaya regency.

“Indonesian officials at the highest levels have made serious threats against Benny Wenda, the ULMWP and their members and supporters in West Papua,” says Jennifer Robinson, barrister at Doughty Street Chambers in London and spokesperson for International Lawyers for West Papua, in a statement.

Ever since the 1960s, Indonesia has shown its intention to hold on to the western part of New Guinea at all costs. Children sing the patriotic song From Sabang to Merauke, cementing in the next generation the narrative justifying Indonesia’s annexation of West Papua. This annexation is motivated by fiscal dependence on the mining revenues at the Freeport mine, oil reserves in West Papuan waters, the forests waiting to be cleared and sold and making way for palm oil plantations.

In the village of Dome, along Fly River’s western bank, many West Papuans share their experiences, losses and nightmares – their reports punctuated with exacerbation.

“What good will it do? Foreign reporters have been here before, without it leading anywhere,” they said. “So why talk to you?”

Dome’s oldest man believes he is well over one hundred years and sees poorly on both eyes. He has lived a long life, once overseeing the Dutch colonial administration’s missionaries, sent along the rivers to inform the “savages” about the benefits of salvation and civilisation.

But this salvation has arrived in the shape of Indonesian colonialism of palm oil plantations, open-pit gold and copper mines, disease, persecution, murder and political repression.

“West Papuans remain victims of colonial ideas and are being treated like savages in need of development and capitalism,” Sophie Chao, anthropologist and ethnographer at the School of Philosophical and Historical Inquiry, told the Globe.

The UN’s silent support for the 1960s Indonesian annexation and ongoing exploitation slammed shut the door to the outside world in the face of the West Papuan people. A betrayal that, per Benny Wenda, pours the responsibility of “a legitimate chance for freedom” on the shoulders of the global community in general – and the UN in particular.

“The UN knows what is really happening in West Papua today, the UN knows that the West Papuan people don’t wish to be part of Indonesia,” the provisional president of West Papua said. “West Papua is the cancer at the heart of the United Nations, and this issue is not going away until our right to self-determination is granted through a referendum on independence.”

Conflict of Intan Jaya, Violence at the expense of civilians

January 1, 2021

Conflict of Intan Jaya: Violence at the expense of civilians
Reporter: Victor Mambor December 28, 2020 5:46 am

Member of the Papua DPR, Thomas Sondegau (left) with the regent and muspida Intan Jaya when they saw the shooting victim at Intan Jaya last October 2020 – Jubi. Dock

Jayapura, Jubi – The atmosphere on Saturday (19/9/2020) morning in the courtyard of the Elementary School for the Education and Schooling Foundation of Evangelical Churches in Tanah Papua or YPPGI Hitadipa was tense. The army gathered Hitadipa civilians at the school yard which had been occupied by the TNI, and made it the Headquarters of the Military District Command or the Hitadipa Preparation Koramil. A number of Hitadipa Preparatory Koramil soldiers said the TNI gave two days for the residents to return the SS1 firearms that were lost since 17 September 2020. SS1 was seized by the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) in an attack that killed Serka Sahlan. The threat clearly shows the separatist stigmatization attached to Hitadipa civilians. This threat frightened Hitadipa civilians who were burdened with returning the weapons they never took.

The gathering of residents on Saturday morning was not attended by Pastor Jeremiah Zanambani. Since morning, he and his wife, Miriam Zoani, have been going to Bomba, a small village on the hillside south of Kampung Hitadipa, cultivating their garden and repairing their pigpen. “[Since] Friday night, Father said on Saturday he wanted to help Mama finish or build a garden first, because on Monday [Father] wanted to go up to the assignment. On that Saturday, September 19, both Father and I went to the garden which is in the same location as the pig pen. Father finished the fence in the pig pen, while I dug up the sweet potatoes. While we were working, around 13.00 noon in Hitadipa there were gunshots. When we heard the gunshot, we entered the pig pen and closed the door, because the TNI had told us that if we heard gunfire, we had to enter the house and lock the door, ”said Mama Miriam. [1] The gunshot heard by Mama Miriam was gunfire when the TPNPB attacked the Hitadipa Preparatory Koramil Headquarters. The TPNPB attack killed Pratu Dwi Akbar Utomo, a 711 / Raksatama Infantry Battalion soldier based in Gorontalo Province, Sulawesi. [2] He was part of a dispatch of troops who were seconded to guard the Hitadipa Preparatory Koramil.

The incident started the movement of TNI troops pursuing TPNPB and combing a small village called Taundugu. The series of events culminated in the shooting that killed Pastor Jeremiah Zanambani. After the shooting of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani, Head of Information for the Joint Defense Region Command III, Col. Czi IGN Suriastawa, made a unilateral statement, saying Pastor Yeremia was shot by the TPNPB. "They are seeking attention at the UN General Assembly later this month," said Suriastawa, Sunday (9/20/2020). [3] Suriastawa’s claim was quoted by various media in Jakarta, forming public opinion outside Papua. However, the public in Papua finds it difficult to believe the TNI’s claim that Pastor Yeremia Zanambani was killed by the TPNPB. Pastor Yeremia Zanambani is a respected religious figure in Papua. He is the former Chairman of the Hitadipa Indonesian Bible Tent Church (GKII) Class. Until his death, Pastor Yeremia Zanambani also served as Chair of the Bible Theology College in Hitadipa, as well as advisor to GKII Region 3 Papua in Hitadipa. He is also a linguist, and translator of the Bible scriptures from Indonesian to Moni, the language of the indigenous people in Intan Jaya. “In the ministry, the Pastor Pastor’s daily work is in two churches. The first is in the Bahtera Church congregation in Janamba, the second is in Bulapa. Father also joined the Bible translation team from Indonesian to Moni, so Father often went to Timika or Nabire. Father is also a teacher at the Upper Theological School in Sugapa. Usually the Father is with his family and children in Hitadipa on Fridays, Saturdays and Sundays, ”said Mama Miriam. [4] A number of human rights advocacy activists and churches are trying to find comparable information about what actually happened in Intan Jaya on September 19, 2020. They received testimony from Hitadipa that the shooting of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani was carried out by TNI soldiers. The murder was part of a series of violence in Hitadipa since October 25, 2019, when the TPNPB shot dead three motorcycle taxi drivers. Pastor Yeremia Zanambani is the 14th victim of a series of armed conflicts that occurred in Intan Jaya Regency since 25 October 2019. Since then, until 19 September 2020, at least ten civilians have died at the hands of the warring parties in Intan Jaya. and a total of eight other civilians were injured. During the same period, a total of four security officers were killed in Intan Jaya. After the shooting of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani, violence in Intan Jaya continued. Catechist from Emondi Station, Timika Diocese Catholic Church, Agustinus Duwitau was shot by TNI soldiers on October 7, 2020. Duwitau, who was injured, was then treated in Sugapa. On October 26, 2020, TNI soldiers shot Rufinus Tigau, a catechist from the Bilogai Parish, the Catholic Church of the Timika Diocese. The shooting that killed Rufinus Tigau took place in Kampung Jalai, Intan Jaya. The widespread violence that victimized civilians shows that the TNI did not fully control the excesses of their military operations in Intan Jaya. The legal process for various cases of violence perpetrated by TNI soldiers is also minimal. Of the various cases of violence in Hitadipa, only the burning of the health personnel’s official home in Taundugu has reached the stage of investigation. The Indonesian Army Military Police Center (Puspomad) named eight Indonesian Army soldiers as suspects in the arson case. [5] Until early November 2020, hundreds of civilians in Hitadipa District and a number of other districts had fled. Since 19 September 2020, Mama Miriam has never returned to Hitadipa, and has never seen the tomb of Pastor Jeremiah Zanambani. “We can’t go back there. We are afraid because there are still TNI there. We want them out so we can go there. We feel threatened, because from the start they have already conveyed threatening language to the church and society. We are now hard to go home. Until now, we also don’t know where Father is in the grave. We walked back and forth and didn’t know where to come back. We don’t know, we go home whether we are safe or not, ”said Mama Miriam. [6] (*) Read the Intan Jaya Conflict (1)

Baca Konflik Intan Jaya (3)

Catatan kaki

[1] Wawancara, Miriam Zoani, 23 Oktober 2020.



[4] Wawancara, Miriam Zoani, 23 Oktober 2020.


[6] Wawancara, Miriam Zoani, 23 Oktober 2020.

A google translate. Be-aware google translate can be a bit erratic.
original bahasa link at

2) Intan Jaya Conflict (3): New Autonomous Region, New Conflict Reporter: Victor Mambor Papua No.1 News Portal | Jubi Jayapura, Jubi – Intan Jaya District, especially Sugapa District and Hitadipa District, is not the TPNPB operational area. Intan Jaya Regency is a New Autonomous Region (DOB) resulting from the division of Paniai Regency. [1] Intan Jaya Regency was formed with the promulgation of Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 54 of 2008 on November 26, 2008. Intan Jaya consists of six districts that were previously part of Paniai Regency, namely Agisiga, Biandoga, Hitadipa, Homeyo, Sugapa, Wandai. [2] In 2013, there were two additional districts in Intan Jaya, namely Ugimba (the result of the division of Sugapa District) and Tomosiga District (the result of the division of Agisiga District. The addition of these districts was accompanied by an increase in the number of villages to 97 villages. Until the early part of the division, generally the social problems in Intan Jaya were in the form of fights between residents, barriers and addiction to alcohol. However, there was no armed conflict involving security actors such as the TNI, Polri, and the TPNPB armed group. After 11 years of formation, Intan Jaya District has not been effective in improving education services for its 49,293 inhabitants. The government of Intan Jaya Regency has failed to address the problems of low quality human resources, poverty, unequal economic growth, underdevelopment, and isolation. This has an impact on the low competitiveness of Intan Jaya Regency. [3] Intan Jaya District’s HDI achievement is still lower than that of Papua Province. In 2015, the IPM of Intan Jaya Regency was still at 44, 35, while Papua Province had reached 57, 25. The lack of educational facilities, as well as a limited teaching staff, affects the teaching and learning process and the literacy rate there. In 2019, according to the Intan Jaya Education and Teaching Office, there were only 47 schools, consisting of 3 TK units, 36 SD units, 7 SMP units, and 1 SMA unit. Intan Jaya has 222 teachers consisting of 6 kindergarten teachers, 138 elementary school teachers, 67 junior high school teachers, and 11 high school teachers. [4] Health facilities at Intan Jaya also remain minimal. The Intan Jaya Health Office noted that there are 24 health facilities, which rely on eight Community Health Centers (Puskesmas) that are spread evenly in eight Intan Jaya districts. A total of eight Puskesmas are assisted by 13 units of Auxiliary Puskesmas (Pustu) which are only in Homeyo District and Wandai District and two units of medical centers. Intan Jaya only has one Regional General Hospital unit which occupies the Sugapa Puskesmas building. There are also no maternity homes and pharmacies in Intan Jaya. The lack of health facilities in Intan Jaya makes it difficult for people to reach good health services. To get better health services, people have to make long trips to Nabire or Timika. [5] The establishment of Intan Jaya Regency failed to improve the quality of public services for its citizens. On the other hand, Intan Jaya has actually experienced a number of impacts from the expansion, including new conflicts rooted in local political issues, or violence perpetrated by security forces such as the police or the army. In the 2014 General Election, there was a dispute regarding the results of the election for Intan Jaya Regional Legislative Council (DPRD) Candidates and accusations of vote mark-up. [6]

Apart from the dispute over the Legislative Election of the Intan Jaya DPRD, the presence of security forces in Sugapa, the capital of Intan Jaya Regency, has also created new friction. On September 29, 2014, a resident who was previously involved in a fight with two Brimob members was shot. [7] Seprianus Japugau (22) received a gunshot wound to the stomach, while Benyamin Agimbau (30) was seriously injured because he was hit by a gun butt. [8] After that, there were at least seven intimidations of physical clashes between Brimob and civilians. A number of these cases included the shooting by the Brimob unit against Malon Sondegau in Sugapa on August 25 2016 (injured and still alive). Another case was the shooting of the Mobile Brigade against Otinus Sondegau (killed) in Sugapa on August 27, 2016, which caused a mass rage and the burning of the Sugapa Sector Police Headquarters. [9] There is one other case of violence that also involved security forces, namely the stabbing that killed the head of the Kemandoga tribe Ijihogama Selegani in Homeyo in December 2015. [10] A bigger conflict occurred when the regional head election (Pilkada) was held to elect the Regent and Deputy Regent of Intan Jaya for the 2017-2022 period.The Pilkada led to disputes and clashes between sympathizers of the regent candidate pair Yulius Yapugau-Yunus Kalabetme and incumbent Natalis Tabuni-Robert Kobogoyauw. The Pilkada case began with a clash between sympathizers of the candidates that took place at the Intan Jaya General Election Commission (KPU) Office on February 23, 2017. At that time, the Yulius Yapugau-Yunus Kalabetme supporters asked the KPU to speed up the vote counting process for the Intan Jaya Pilkada. The request was rejected, because the KPU Intan Jaya had not received the recapitulation of votes from Wandai District and Agisiga District. [11] As a result, there were clashes between supporters which killed three people. A number of 101 other residents were injured. [12]. The Papua Police immediately sent 400 police officers to Intan Jaya. A total of 30 Brimob from Bali who were previously in Dogiyai District were also transferred to Intan Jaya. [13] The recapitulation of the vote acquisition was finally completed by KPU Intan Jaya on February 24, 2017. However, on May 15 2017, the Papua General Election Supervisory Body (Bawaslu) rejected the results of the Intan Jaya Pilkada recapitulation. Bawaslu assessed that many administrative requirements were not fulfilled by the Intan Jaya KPU. The problem then became a dispute by the Constitutional Court (MK). The Constitutional Court ordered the Re-Voting (PSU) at 7 different polling stations. [14] On August 29, 2017, Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court, Arief Hidayat, read out the verdict, declaring Natalis Tabuni and Robert Kobogoyauw to win the 2017 Intan Jaya Pilkada with 36,883 votes. This decision also canceled the decision of the KPU Intan Jaya which won Yulius Yapugau and Yunus Kalabetme. [15] The Constitutional Court’s decision sparked protests and the dismissal of Sugapa airport. A number of Intan Jaya Regency Government offices in Sugapa were burned by the masses. The rampage of the masses paralyzed economic activity in Sugapa, because most of the stalls and markets chose to close. The indigenous people chose to stay indoors, while some migrants chose to flee to the police and army headquarters. [16] After the mass rampage in Sugapa, 100 Brimob Detachment A Polda South Sulawesi were sent to Intan Jaya to guard vital objects, such as airports and government offices. [17] After being inaugurated as Regent of Intan Jaya on December 12, 2017, Natalis Tabuni stated that she would reconcile with all political opponents. However, these efforts were not fully implemented. The 2017 Pilkada conflict made it difficult for the Intan Jaya Regency Government to mediate the various new conflicts that occurred there. (*) Read the Intan Jaya Conflict (1) Read the Intan Jaya Conflict (2) footnote

Catatan kaki

[1] Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor: 54 Tahun 2008, tentang pembentukan Kabupaten Intan Jaya.


















3) Indonesian foreign ministry cares for students, teachers in Papua
30th December 2020

Jakarta (ANTARA) – Indonesia’s foreign ministry cares for students and teachers in dire need of gadgets in various provinces, including Papua and West Papua, to enable them get access to online-learning platforms and services amid the COVID-19 situation.

As of the end of December 2020, 438 gadgets were distributed to the recipients through the ministry’s partnering organizations in various cities, Foreign Minister Retno L. P. Marsudi was quoted by ANTARA as saying here on Wednesday.

"From whatever island we are from, we play a role in making Indonesia much better in the future. Making the country everlastingly peaceful and prosperous; the prosperity that can equally be enjoyed by all Indonesians from Sabang to Merauke," she emphasized.

Speaking at a virtual meeting to donate the gadgets to recipients in Papua and West Papua, Marsudi revealed that the initiative to assist the students and teachers was part of the ministry’s action programs to commemorate its 75th anniversary this year.

Through its partnering organizations, the ministry distributed 438 gadgets to recipients in Jayapura, greater Jakarta areas, Bandung, Batam, Bima, Brebes, Cilegon, Cimahi, Medan, Rembang, Semarang, Surabaya, Tangerang, and Yogyakarta.

Especially in the provinces of Papua and West Papua, the gadgets were donated to 30 junior and senior high school students and three teachers residing in Biak Numfor and Raja Ampat through the ministry’s partner, Hoshizora Foundation, she remarked.

Meanwhile, Kristian Wabiser, a coordinating teacher in Biak Numfor District, Papua Province, lauded the foreign ministry for its donated gadgets, as they would help both students and teachers in villages that participate in e-learning activities.

The students receiving the gadgets also expressed their gratitude to the foreign ministry, while Marsudi appealed to them to study hard to fulfill their ambitions in life and contribute to a better Indonesia.

Papua and West Papua are striving to catch up with other Indonesian provinces in driving multisectoral developments amid challenging hurdles in vulnerable security and human resources.

ANTARA noted that the development of human resources was an important matter for which comprehensive evaluation was necessary since the human development index scores of Papua and West Papua remained lower than those of other provinces.

Referring to Indonesia’s 2019 human development index, the scores of Papua and West Papua were recorded at 64.7 and 60.84 respectively.

Owing to this factual reality, improving the quality of human resources must be prioritized amid stiff competition among Indonesians and among nations in the digital era.

The government is indeed aware of the challenging reality. To address the problems, it draws emphasis to prosperity-oriented approaches by boosting infrastructure construction projects to enable them to be at par with other provinces.

As recently disclosed by Presidential Chief of Staff Moeldoko, President Joko Widodo also focused on boosting the economic sector of Papua and West Papua by, for instance, enforcing the one-fuel price policy there.

As part of its endeavors to create social justice for the local people, the government also remains focused on development of the health and education sectors in the two provinces, he remarked.

Moeldoko believes that the second phase of special autonomy status granted for Papua and West Papua would be driven to fuel a new spirit in expediting developments to create prosperity in both provinces.
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Reporter: Aria C, Rahmad Nasution
Editor: Fardah Assegaf


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Papuans in Jakarta, Yogyakarta mark 1961 anniversary of Trikora operation

December 29, 2020

Papuans in Jakarta, Yogyakarta mark 1961 anniversary of Trikora

Arah Juang – December 21, 2020

The Indonesian People’s Front for West Papua (FRI-WP) and the Papuan
Student Alliance (AMP) again launched actions in several parts of the
country on December 19. This time the actions took up the theme,
"Trikora: The Start of Indonesia’s Colonisation of the West Papua


In Jakarta, around 50 protesters from the AMP, the FRI-WP and the Papuan
Central Highlands Indonesian Student Association (AMPTPI) gathered at
the Horse Statue in Central Jakarta at 11.30 am. While the demonstrators
were in the process of getting ready, security personnel began harassing

"A new regulation is now in force. Anyone who wants to hold an action
must take a [Covid-19] rapid test. If not, we will be forced to close
down the action! We even dispersed the FPI [Islamic Defenders Front]!",
shouted one of the police officers.

The action coordinator along with several protesters then went to the
rapid test post to ask the staff if they had a government document to
this effect from the Covid-19 Task Force. It turned out however that
they did not.

Following this, 15 people from a reactionary group arrived holding
banners and nationalist red-and-white flags and shouting "The NKRI [the
Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia] is Non-negotiable,
Disburse!". One of theme also referred to the protesters as monkeys, a
racist slur reminiscent of the racist attack on a Papuan student
dormitory in Surabaya one year ago.

At around 12.30 pm, one of the demonstrators was grabbed by police and
put in a vehicle. The incident started when the protesters wanted to
unfurl a banner and hand out posters. A scuffle broke out with
demonstrators, police and TNI (Indonesian military) officers pushing and
shoving each other. The posters and banner were then sized by security
personnel. The protesters demanded that their comrade be released
immediately, and several minutes later they were let go. The
demonstrators then continued the action with speeches although only two
people were able to speech because of harassment by security personnel
and the reactionary group.

Papuan student Roland Levy said that the security forces’ actions were
an attempt to silence the Papuan students. "It’s not just this time that
this has happened. Before it also happened to the East Timorese people
when they tried to convey their aspirations", said Levy in a speech
alluding to hired mobs trying to stop the action.

Around two hours after the action began, the atmosphere had become such
that it was impossible for the demonstrators to continue the action. The
police and TNI had become increasingly repressive to the point that they
were unable to read out a statement.

The protesters then returned to the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH)
offices on foot. During the march the students shouted "Papua is not the
red-and-white" and "Free Papua".


In the Central Java city of Yogyakarta, protests from the AMP, the
FRI-WP and the AMPTPI gathered at the Papuan student dormitory in
Kamasan to hold an action commemorating Trikora — the start of
Indonesia’s colonisation of the West Papuan nation.

At 10 am the demonstrators began forming lines holding banners then
marched from the student dormitory to the zero kilometre point in front
of the central post office. Throughout the march, the action coordinator
gave speeches about the history of the West Papuan nation’s independence
which only survived for 18 days because it was forced to summit to
Indonesia’s power through the Trikora operation which was announced by
Indonesia’s founding president Sukarno on December 19, 1961.

In addition to this, the action was enlivened with shouts of "Free
Papua!", "Papua is not the red-and-white!", "Referendum, yes! Otsus,
no!", "Revoke the Omnibus Law" and other demands taken up by the
protesters that day.

Upon arriving at the zero kilometre point, the demonstrators were
greeted by several police officers who had been on guard. The police
asked them to form a circle in front of the post office and continue to
maintain health protocols.

Several other organisations such as Socialist Study Circle (LSS), the
Indonesian Student League for Democracy National Committee (LMND-DN),
Yogyakarta Student Horizon (CMY) and the Student Struggle Center for
National Liberation (Pembebasan), who joined the action in solidarity
with the Papuan students, also gave political speeches on the human
rights violations taking place in Papua and calling for a referendum as
a democratic solution to overcome the conflict in Papua.

The two actions in Jakarta and Yogyakarta took up a number of demands

1. Calling for the right to self-determination as a democratic solution
for Papua.

2. Rejecting the extension of the Special Autonomy Law (Otsus).

3. Calling for human rights violators in Papua to be arrested and tried.

4. An end to military operations in Nduga, Intan Jaya, Puncak Jaya,
Puncak Papua and other parts of West Papua.

5. An end to the theft of land and natural resources in Papua.

6. An end to the criminalisation of pro-democracy activists.

7. That the Indonesian government acknowledges West Papuan independence
and return to the West Papua national manifesto.

8. The withdrawal of all organic and non-organic troops from West Papua.

9. The closure of the Freeport gold-and-copper mine, the LNG Tangguh gas
field operated by BP, the MNC Group LNG plant, the Merauke Integrated
Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE), the Freeport Wabu Block in Intan Jaya
and other projects which are the masterminds behind humanitarian crimes
in West Papua.

10. That in accordance with international law the United Nations must
pass a resolution returning independence to the nation of West Papua
which declared independence on December 1, 1961.

11. That democratic space and access be given to journalists from the
national and international media in West Papua.

12. An end to racial discrimination and Indonesian colonialist programs
in West Papua.

13. Halting the construction of a cement factory in the Satar Punda
village in East Manggarai regency.

14. Halting the construction of a super-premium tourist facility in the
Komodo National Park.

15. The release of all Papuan political prisoners.

16. The enactment of the Draft Law on the Elimination of Sexual Violence


Operation Trikora was declared by Indonesian founding President Sukarno
in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta on December 19, 1961. It was an
Indonesian military operation aimed at harassing and forcing the Dutch
out of Netherlands New Guinea in 1961-62 rather than one intended to
suppress a nascent independence movement.

Although it is widely held that West Papua declared independence from
Indonesia on December 1, 1961, this actually marks the date when the
Morning Star (Bintang Kejora) flag was first raised alongside the Dutch
flag in an officially sanctioned ceremony in Jayapura, then called
Hollandia. The first declaration of independence actually took place on
July 1, 1971 at the Victoria Headquarters when the Free Papua Movement
unilaterally proclaimed West Papua as an independent nation.

[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was
"Aksi Trikora: Awal dari Penjajahan Indonesia Terhadap Bangsa West


Indonesian military says troops suspected of killing 2 Papuan civilians

December 23, 2020

Indonesian military says troops suspected of killing 2 Papuan civilians

23 Dec 2020 09:18PM

Indonesia’s Papua province has been dealing for decades with demands for independence and a low-level separatist insurgency.

JAKARTA: Indonesia’s military on Wednesday (Dec 23) named nine soldiers as suspects in the killing in April of two civilians in the country’s Papua region, as part of a state probe into violence this year in an area beset by separatist conflict.

The military is conducting an internal investigation as part of a fact-finding mission that started in October into several incidents in the Intan Jaya district, including the fatal shooting of a Christian pastor in September.

Lieutenant General Dodik Wijanarko in a statement said the nine soldiers had committed "acts beyond the limits of propriety" while interrogating two Papuans suspected of being separatist rebels, who later died.

The suspects burned their bodies and threw their ashes into a river, according to the military.

West Papua, the easternmost region of the archipelago nation, has been riven by separatist conflict since the former Dutch colony was incorporated into Indonesia, following a controversial United Nations-backed referendum in 1969.

Dodik said the suspects faced a maximum 12 years in prison if found guilty of violence leading to death, among other violations.

Usman Hamid, director of Amnesty International Indonesia, said the admission by the military that its personnel may have engaged in illegal acts in Papua was rare, although he cast doubt over its sincerity and transparency.

Colonel Gusti Nyoman Suriastawa, a military spokesman in Papua, said there was "no tolerance for soldiers who commit these violations".

Reuters was unable to immediately reach the victims’ families for comment.

In September, a Christian pastor, Yeremia Zanambani, was fatally shot in the same region. Indonesia’s military has denied allegations by church groups that soldiers were responsible.

Mahfud MD, Indonesia’s chief security minister, said in October that state forces or "a third party" may have been involved.

Source: Reuters/dv

A google translate. Be-aware google translate can be a bit erratic. Original bahasa link at
2) Komnas HAM was asked to investigate the alleged torture of 14 KNPB activists
Reporter: Admin Jubi

14 detained Merauke KNPB activists – Jubi / IST

Papua No. 1 News Portal | Jubi Jayapura, Jubi – The Papua Law Enforcement and Human Rights Coalition asked the National Human Rights Commission to immediately investigate the Merauke Police Chief, AKBP Untung Sangaji in the alleged torture of 14 members of the West Papua National Committee or KNPB Merauke. The Coalition’s request was stated by the Coalition in their written press release on Tuesday (12/22/2020). In its written press release, the Coalition highlighted AKBP Untung Sangaji’s statement which was reported by the Cenderawasih Pos Daily. In the news, AKBP Untung Sangaji denied that the Merauke Police had criminalized 14 KNPB Merauke activists. Untung stated that 14 KNPB activists were named treason suspects, and were charged with violating the provisions of Articles 106, 107, 110 of the Criminal Code. The coalition emphasized that AKBP Untung Sangaji should immediately deal with the alleged torture by the police against 14 KNPB Merauke activists. The coalition states that every act of investigators to arrest people should not be carried out arbitrarily. Also read: PH calls the police persecuting 14 KNPB activists

"The fact of the arrest using a violent approach clearly shows that the Merauke Police Chief and his staff have ignored the explanatory order for article 17, Law Number 8 of 1981 concerning Criminal Procedure Law above. This explanation rests on the principle ‘Everyone has the right to freedom and personal security. No one can be arrested or detained arbitrarily. No one can be deprived of their liberty except on valid reasons and in accordance with procedures stipulated by law "as stipulated in Article 9 paragraph (1) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights," said the Coalition’s press release. The coalition states that the arrest process using a violent approach violates Article 351 of the Criminal Code in conjunction with Article 170 of the Criminal Code and Article 1, the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment which has been ratified by Law Number 5 of 1998 concerning Ratification of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment in conjunction with Article 7, Law Number 12 of 2005 concerning Ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The coalition believes that AKBP Untung Sangaji’s statement reported by the media actually indicated his involvement in the violence against 14 KNPB activists. "It seems that the Merauke Police Chief did not practice the" presumption of innocence principle "in the law enforcement process against 14 Merauke KNPB activists. In addition, perhaps the Merauke Police Chief also forgot to read the provisions of ‘Every person who is arrested, detained and prosecuted because he is suspected of committing a criminal act has the right to be presumed innocent, until proven guilty legally in a court session and given all legal guarantees necessary for his defense in accordance with statutory provisions as stipulated in Article 18 paragraph (1), Law Number 39 Year 1999 concerning Human Rights, ”said the Coalition’s press release.

Also read: Merauke KNPB activist is suspected of being a victim of criminalization The coalition states that the Merauke Resort Police have the obligation to carry out constitutional provisions related to "Protection, advancement, enforcement and fulfillment of human rights are the responsibility of the state, especially the government" as stipulated in Article 28i paragraph (4), the 1945 Constitution. acts of maltreatment against 14 KNPB Merauke activists, acts of vandalism against the KNPB Merauke Secretariat building. We ask the Indonesian National Human Rights Commission to immediately investigate the Merauke Police Chief and his staff for alleged acts of torture, ”said the Coalition’s press release. The coalition also asked the National Police Chief through the Papua Regional Police Chief to provide an understanding of Law Number 8 of 1981 concerning Criminal Procedure Law, Government Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number 2 of 2003 concerning Disciplinary Regulations for Members of the State Police of the Republic of Indonesia and Perkap No 8 of 2009 concerning Implementation of Rights Principles and Standards Human Rights in Carrying Out Polri’s Duties to the Merauke Police Chief and his staff. "[We ask] the Papua Police Chief to arrest and prosecute the Merauke Police Chief for criminal acts of mistreatment of 14 Merauke KNPB activists as regulated in Article 351 of the Criminal Code and criminal acts of destruction of the KNPB Merauke Secretariat building as regulated by 170 KUHP, and alleged violations of Article 6 letter q, Government Regulation. Republic of Indonesia Number 2 of 2003 concerning Disciplinary Regulations for Members of the State Police of the Republic of Indonesia. The Papua Police Chief [must] immediately order the Papua Regional Police’s Direskrimum to arrest and prosecute unscrupulous members of the Merauke Resort Police who perpetrated the criminal offense of 14 KNPB Merauke activists, "said the press release of the Coalition. Editor: Aryo Wisanggeni G.

Police, TNI raid KNPB secretariat in Merauke, 14 activists arrested

December 21, 2020

Police, TNI raid KNPB secretariat in Merauke, 14 activists arrested

Suara Papua – December 15, 2020

Charles Maniani, Manokwari — Mobile Brigade (Brimob) paramilitary
police, national police intelligence officers (intel) and the army’s
special forces (Kopassus) stormed the West Papua National Committee
(KNPB) offices in the Almasuh area of Merauke regency, Papua, during a
raid on Sunday December 13.

This was reported by a Suara Papua informant from Merauke on Monday. The
raid ended in two motorcycles being taken away and six people arrested.

"Yesterday, on Sunday (13/12/2020) at around 2 pm local time Brimob and
intel officers arrived and vandalised the KNPB secretariat in Almasuh,
they arrested six people and two motorcycles were taken", the source
told Suara Papua from Merauke.

When sought for confirmation on Tuesday, Merauke KNPB member Yoris Wopay
said that arrests were made on two occasions totalling 14 people who are
being held temporarily by the Merauke district police (Polres).

"They were all arrested and beaten with cane sticks, four people were
ordered to lie on the ground, then they were taken to Polres, there they
were assaulted again, Kristian Yandun’s head was cut and bleeding and
Michael Beteop’s back was bleeding, then they were detained with
criminal prisoners. And two motorcycles were taken by the Merauke
Polres", he explained.

No reason has been given for their detention and they have asked for a
lawyer. Suara Papua meanwhile has been unable to obtain confirmation
from the Merauke district police as to why they were arrested.

The names of those arrested are: KNPB Chairperson Charles Sraun (38),
Deputy Chairperson Petrus Paulus Kontremko (32), KNPB diplomacy division
head Robertus Landa (23) and KNPB members Kristian Yandun (38), Michael
Beteop (24), Elias Kmur (38), Marianus Anyum (25), Kristian. M. Anggunop
(24), Emanuel. T Omba (24), Petrus Kutey (27), Linus Pasim (26),
Salerius Kamogou (24), Petrus Koweng (28) and Yohanes Yawon (23).

[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was
"Sekretariat KNPB Merauke Digerebek, 14 Aktivis Ditangkap".]


In 2020, Indonesia’s leaders abandon human rights

December 20, 2020

1) [INSIGHT] In 2020, Indonesia’s leaders abandon human rights

Usman Hamid The Jakarta Post

Jakarta / Sun, December 20, 2020 / 10:54 pm


Motorists ride past a mural portraying missing activist and poet Wiji Thukul on Jl. Raya Ciledug, Cipulir, South Jakarta, on Dec. 10 coinciding with the commemoration of International Human Rights Day. (JP/Seto Wardhana)

This year Indonesia witnessed a rollback of important reforms in human rights. President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s security approach to tackling COVID-19, opting for an economic agenda over human rights and the imposition of hypernationalism, which resulted in a further authoritarian turn and state control of the internet, marked the regression. We began 2020 in an already weakened state of human rights after a tumultuous 2019. In January of this year, fire engulfed environmentalist Murdani’s house in Lombok while he, his wife, their 4-year-old daughter and their 17-year-old son were asleep. The family escaped unharmed. In May, electoral violence killed 10 people. In September, a clampdown on student protests resulted in the loss of at least five lives with hundreds more wounded during peaceful efforts to defend the country’s anticorruption body and democracy from the government’s attempt to restore draconian laws.

In short, we saw shrinking civic space as well as the weakening of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and political opposition. In 2019 alone, the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (YLBHI) recorded that at least 6,128 people were subject to free speech violations, including 324 children. This year, COVID-19 exacerbated the regression through the securitization of all social and political life, enabling security actors to clamp down on political opposition by means of legal instruments, including handling the pandemic. Instead of implementing science-based policies, President Jokowi chose a military-dominated structure that, unsurprisingly, produced a hardline security approach to public health matters. Not only have such decisions failed to prevent a severe and prolonged health crisis – with at least 368 frontline health workers dead of COVID-19 exposure and exhaustion – but they have worsened the overall human rights climate. On April 4, for example, the National Police headquarters instructed officers to take action against “hoax spreaders” and those who insulted the President and his administration. As a result, the police launched criminal investigations into around 100 cases related to the government’s response to the pandemic.

Despite the pandemic, the government and the House of Representatives passed the Job Creation Law to further strengthen business interests, while undermining workers’ and environmental rights. The National Police issued another directive intimidating and criminalizing critics of the controversial law, increasing the rise of cyber-authoritarianism. All of this happened against a backdrop of increasing online intimidation in many forms that included credential theft, spam calls, digital harassment, as well as abusive intrusions into online discussions. Criminalization by a technologically savvy state apparatus under a draconian cyberlaw is not the only instrument of internet control. Media reports have also implicated the government in deploying an army of cyber or pro-regime trolls, akin to China’s “fifty-centers”, trained to debate antigovernment forces on the web. In the offline space, during the omnibus law protests we documented at least 411 victims of unlawful police use of force in 15 provinces, with 6,658 people arrested in 21 provinces and 301 of them, including 18 journalists, detained incommunicado for various durations.

This has sinister echoes of the ruthless crackdowns on pro-reform students 22 years ago. In the eastern parts of Indonesia such as Maluku and Papua at least 38 prisoners of conscience remain behind bars, mostly charged under treason despite only participating in antiracism protests. In Papua and West Papua, security forces committed human rights violations against indigenous people, largely with impunity. Prominent among at least 52 cases of unlawful killings – with a total of 103 victims – were the horrific reports of violence and killing in Hitadipa, Intan Jaya; a priest was tortured and killed, and young men were kidnapped.

Across the country, at least 202 social justice leaders and activists were under threat, including around 61 indigenous rights leaders who have been subjected to detention, physical attacks and intimidation. In August, Effendi Buhing, a leader of the indigenous Laman Kinipan, was arrested by Central Kalimantan police in relation to a years-long land dispute with a palm oil company. Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people also continued to face threats following misleading statements made by public officials on the grounds of “defending the country’s public morality”.

Politicians from various parties introduced a family resilience bill that would outlaw surrogacy and require LGBT people to seek conversion therapy. The Supreme Court confirmed that 14 gay men in the military were fired and imprisoned for their sexual orientation. This year also marked a setback for women’s rights and gender equality. During the pandemic, there was a 75 percent increase in reports of sexual violence against women. In July, the House dropped the sexual violence eradication bill from its priority list, while some lawmakers supported the regressive family resilience bill. Feminist media groups and individuals were attacked, doxxed and harassed by unidentified people who sent unwanted, sexually explicit images and demeaning statements about women.

In November, four Christians were killed – two by beheading – in Sulawesi, reflecting a government failure to protect religious minorities. Not to mention cases of other abuses of religious freedom, including at least 40 cases of house of worship closures, blasphemy accusations and other forms of religious discrimination.

While 2020 will no doubt be remembered as the year Indonesia – and the world – faced an unprecedented health crisis, we should also remember it as a year when the country’s human rights crisis further deepened. A year when our civic space for protests and public criticism shrank. A year when Indonesia’s leaders abandoned human rights.

Director of Amnesty International Indonesia, founder of Public Virtue and lecturer at the Indonesia Jentera School of Law


2) Indonesian Churches Urge Jakarta to Stop Violence in Papua

12/20/2020 Indonesia (International Christian Concern) – While Papua has been integrated into the Republic of Indonesia for nearly six decades, the restive yet resource-rich Christian majority region has long suffered from discrimination and a struggle over land and natural resource.

In recent months, tensions haven run high between Indonesia’s security forces and local Papuans, resulting in casualties that include the killing of a Christian pastor and a Catechist, which caused many to condemn the extrajudicial killings.

The ongoing violence pushed the Association of Churches in Indonesia (PGI) and the United Evangelical Mission entitled Stop Violence in Papua to hold a seminar on Thursday, December 17, 2020.

One of the findings was that discrimination against Papuans is still prevalent in various places in Indonesia. This has created a sense of injustice for Papua, so that they often express their resentment being part of Indonesia.

Given that Jakarta’s security approach in dealing with the Papuan unrest is still a priority and therefore the escalation of violence has continued to increase, even church workers, especially those serving in conflict areas, are targeted.

The murder of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani, allegedly carried out by security forces two months ago, has caused fear for Papuans. Until now, the government has not taken comprehensive steps to prevent the extrajudicial killing in Papua.

As a result, according to, the group urges the Indonesian government together with the Indonesian Parliament to immediately stop the security approach that is being carried out which has resulted in casualties and caused deep fear and trauma for Papuans.

“To avoid further casualties, we ask that the withdrawal of non-organic troops in Papua be carried out and temporarily stop military operations in Papua,” read a statement by the church leadership who attended the seminar.

For interviews, please contact Olivia Miller, Communications Coordinator: press.


3) West Papua traditional communities oppose new Tambrauw military command

CNN Indonesia – December 15, 2020

Jakarta – Residents of Tambrauw regency in West Papua province are opposing the establishment of the Tambrauw 1810 District Military Command (Kodim) which was officially inaugurated on Monday December 14.

Yohanis Mambrasar, the lawyer representing indigenous Papuan land owners (hak ulayat) from the Abun Tribe Customary Foundation (Lamasa), said that the residents reject the Kodim headquarters, which will be built on five hectares of customary land belonging to local people.

According to Mambrasar, local people have been opposing the establishment of Kodim1810 since 2019 when the plan first became public.

"Customary communities, hak ulayat owners and us, youths and students, have already sent letters to the government and even demonstrated, urging the government to hold a dialogue with the Tambrauw customary communities but to this day this has not happened", said Mambrasar when contacted by phone on Tuesday December 15.

They are also urging the TNI (Indonesian military) commander, the West Papua Kasuari XVIII regional military commander in Manokwari and the 181 PVT military district commander (Dandrem) in Sorong to cancel the establishment of the Tambrauw Kodim.

Mambrasar said that they are urging the government, in this case President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, House of Representatives (DPR) speaker Puan Maharani, the West Papua governor, the speaker of the West Papua Regional House of Representatives (DPRD), the Tambrauw regent and the Tambrauw regency DPRD to coordinate with the TNI to cancel the establishment of the Tambrauw 1810 Kodim.

Mambrasar said that opposition is not just coming from Tambrauw regency but from other regions were Tambrauw communities reside. They continue to protest the establishment of the Kodim and are asking for it to be cancelled, even though it has already been officially opened.

"They will continue to hold protests opposing it even though the Kodim has already been officially opened", he said.

Mambrasar said that the opposition was not without reason. Residents do not want violence by the TNI to increase in their area if the Kodim is officially established.

According to Mambrasar, residents have learnt from the experience of what has happened in the past, namely military operations in the Tambrauw area by the Indonesian Armed Forces (then called ABRI) in the 1960s and 1970s. They are still suffering trauma over the operations.

"They have learnt from the experience of what has happened, namely the TNI committing violence against local people, they also learnt from past experiences, namely the ABRI operations in the 1960s and 1970s in the Tambrauw area which traumatised them", he said.

Not only that, Mambrasar also confirmed that indigenous Papuan land owners whose land will be used for the contraction of the Tambrauw Kodim 1810 headquarters do not want to give up their land.

On Monday December 14, TNI Brigadier General Indra Heri officially opened the Tambrauw Kodim and at the same time inaugurated infantry Lieutenant Colonel Ildefonso Akilis Do Camro as the Tambrauw 1810 district military commander.

CNN Indonesia has contacted Kasuari XVIII regional military commander Colonel Kav Zubaedi to seek information about opposition to the establishment of the Tambrauw 1810 Kodim but Zubaedi claimed not to have received any information on the matter.

"I’m sorry, we cannot yet confirm the matter. We’re currently preparing for the regional military command’s 4th anniversary", said Zubaedi when sought for confirmation by SMS. (tst/pmg)

[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was "Masyarakat Adat Papua Barat Tolak Pembentukan Kodim Tambrauw".]


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Papua’s COVID-19 recovery rate improves

December 17, 2020

Papua’s COVID-19 recovery rate improves
8 hours ago

Jayapura, Papua (ANTARA) – With 68 more patients recovering from coronavirus infections in Papua in a span of 24 hours ending Tuesday, the number of recoveries in the province climbed to 11,028, the provincial COVID-19 task force stated.

The additional recoveries were reported from Jayapura city (26) and the districts of Mimika (14), Boven Digul (13), Merauke (1), Jayawijaya (11), Biak Numfor (3), the task force’s spokesperson, Silwanus Sumule, informed on Wednesday.

Although Papua’s recovery rate is showing a positive trend, its death toll data remains a cause for concern. According to the task force, 218 COVID-19 patients have succumbed to the virus since the local authorities officially reported the first confirmed cases on March 21, 2020.

Silwanus said Papua’s infection rate rose to 12,546 after 116 residents tested positive for COVID-19 on Tuesday. The newly-confirmed cases were reported from the districts of Jayawijaya, Jayapura, Nabire, Mimika, Biak Numfor, and Bovel Digul, he added.

Papua and many other provinces in Indonesia have been striving to contain coronavirus infections, which initially emerged in the Chinese city of Wuhan at the end of 2019 and then spread worldwide, including to nations in the Asia-Pacific region.

The first COVID-19 infections in Indonesia were reported on March 2 this year.

The government has consistently expressed confidence the COVID-19 vaccine would help contain the pandemic which has posed a serious threat to public health and economy.

Over the past few months, it has endeavored to secure potential COVID-19 vaccines for Indonesians through bilateral and multilateral cooperation.

Indonesia is cooperating with China and the United Kingdom for the procurement and supply of COVID-19 vaccines.

The government is also supporting research efforts towards developing the country’s own COVID-19 vaccine, Merah Putih (Red and White), named after the colors of the national flag.

As recently disclosed by Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investment, Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan, the government would likely commence the first phase of COVID-19 immunization in the third week of December this year.

The government is awaiting emergency-use authorization from Indonesia’s Food and Drug Monitoring Agency (BPOM) to commence the first phase of the program.

Related news: Health office distributes 10,500 free face masks in Papua
Related news: Public to not be charged for COVID-19 vaccine: Jokowi
Related news: Garuda to distribute COVID-19 vaccine in bulk nationwide

Reporter: Musa A, Rahmad Nasution
Editor: Sri Haryati


2) Vice President seeks fresh blueprint for Papua, West Papua development
4 hours ago

Jakarta (ANTARA) – Vice President Ma’ruf Amin has sought a more effective blueprint for accelerating development in Papua and West Papua provinces.

"We have to build a new system and design, a more effective way of working in order to be able to produce leaps in the advancement of welfare for the people of Papua and West Papua," Vice President Ma’ruf said at the Vice Presidential Palace in Jakarta on Wednesday.

At a meeting of the Steering Committee for the Integrated Team for the Acceleration of Welfare Development in Papua and West Papua Provinces, the Vice President asked his rank and file to immediately draft a new system so that it can be implemented from 2021.

The Vice President said the new design for the development of Papua and West Papua should emphasize a cultural approach, with priority accorded to seven customary areas.

"The priority targets are seven customary areas," he said.

To bring about development in the two eastern provinces of Indonesia, the government has issued Presidential Instruction (Inpres) Number 9 of 2020 concerning the Acceleration of Welfare Development in Papua and West Papua Provinces and Presidential Decree (Keppres) Number 20 of 2020 concerning the Integrated Coordination Team for the Acceleration of Welfare Development in Papua Province and West Papua Province.

During the meeting, the Vice President also spoke about the problem of poverty, which remains high in the two provinces.

"Therefore, we need to put this Inpres policy perspective into a new spirit and design for Papua, in accordance with the President’s direction at the Papua meeting on March 11, 2020," he said.

Related news: Government to prioritize holistic development for Papua

Related news: Papua’s human development index rose 1.30 percent in 2019: BPS

The Vice President also stressed that the objective of the Presidential Instruction was to build advanced, prosperous, peaceful, and dignified communities in Papua and West Papua provinces.

"I need to reiterate that the rationale and purpose of this determination is to prioritize the improvement of the welfare of the people of Papua and West Papua," he said.

The meeting was attended by Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investment, Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan, Minister of Home Affairs, Tito Karnavian, Minister of Finance, Sri Mulyani, Minister of National Development Planning (PPN) and head of the National Development Planning Agency (Bappenas), Suharso Monoarfa, Presidential Chief of Staff, Moeldoko, head of the Secretariat of the Vice President (Kasetwapres), Mohamad Oemar, and Special Staff of the Vice President, Bambang Widianto. (INE)

Related news: Special autonomy successful in boosting development in West Papua

Related news: Multi-sectoral development in Papua, West Papua should remain focus

Reporter: Fransiska, Azis Kurmala
Editor: Yuni Arisandy Sinaga

On Human Rights Day, 147 Catholic priests call for end to violence in Papuan

December 12, 2020

On Human Rights Day, 147 Catholic priests call for end to violence in

Catholic News – December 11, 2020

Arya Kiet — Coinciding with International Human Rights Day today,
December 10, 147 Catholic priests in Papua have called for an end to
violence in Papua and have requested that bishops give more serious
attention to the issue for the sake of the safety of religious community
members in Indonesia’s eastern-most provinces.

In a statement read out by Papuan Peace Network (JDP) Coordinator Pastor
John Bunay during a press conference attended by 20 or so priests
representing various different diocese in Papua who signed the
statement, which was also broadcast on the Jayapura Diocese Social
Communication YouTube Channel, they said, "[We] feel called upon to be a
funnel to articulate the consciousness of the religious community which
is trusted by God".

"We are voicing the cries of the consciousness of pregnant months who
are breastfeeding, small children, parents and young children, people
who are ill, blind, deaf and paralyzed, all those who are powerless who
are currently living in anxiety and fear throughout the land of Papua",
they said.

The statement was signed by priests from various different diocese and
congregations such as the Franciscan, Augustinian, Jesuit and the
Utterances of Godly Union throughout Papua.

They said that the human rights situation in Papua continues to worsen
where in the recent period many people had fallen victim to violence
including servants of the church.

They touched on the death of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani who was shot dead
by the military in Hitadipa Village, Intan Jaya, on September 19, as
well as Rufinus Tigau, a religious educator shot dead on October 26.

Following these shootings, on November 3 Coordinating Minister for
Security, Politics and Legal Affairs, Mahfud MD, met with two bishops
from Papua, namely Mgr. Aloysius Murwito, OFM and Mgr. Petrus Canisius
Mandagi, MSC and Cardinal Ignatius Suharyo, the chairperson of the
Indonesian Bishops Conference (KWI).

Despite this however, they said that nothing changed. Only three days
later, on November 6, the military leadership declared that it would
continue operations in Papua.

The priests said that the presence of non-organic troop which have
launched military operations have created anxiety among the Papuan
people and are calling on President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo to withdraw all
non-organic troops from Papua.

They also asked that the military and the pro-independence army halt all
"armed violence and open their hearts to negotiations under a dignified
dialogue which can be mediated by a neutral and independent country or

"Violence will never resolve the problems, instead it will add a million
more sufferings and new problems", they said. "Understand that saving
human lives will not happen at barrel of a gun, sisters and brothers",
they added.

The call by the priests was also conveyed to the KWI who they called on,
"not to say silent or pretend as if they do not understand the injured
feelings of the people of Papuan congregations.

"Why did the respected Sirs of the Indonesian Catholic Church leadership
not respond holistically, seriously, and fully to the prolonged conflict
in the land of Papua during the KWI’s annual meeting?", they asked.

They said they felt surprised and at the same time ignored when they
heard that the KWI had been so quick to declare a position and express
its profound sorrow over the recent incidents of violence against the
Protestant church community in Sigi regency, Central Sulawesi,
"meanwhile grief and anxiety as well as the killings of Papuan human
beings appears to have eluded the attention, protection and compassion
of the KWI", they said.

Meanwhile, to the bishops in Papua they said, "Yearn for the shepherds
who are in the place that is at the forefront of efforts to safeguard
God’s congregation".

The priests said that the Papua problem must be dealt with an approach
that prioritises dignified dialogue, which is not intended to find who
is wrong and who is right, but for the sake of finding concrete truths
which can deliver justice and peace to all parties.

"Dialogue will never kill, dialogue will never injure, and dialogue will
never make us stupid. It is precisely when we use methods that are wrong
like violence which has no humanity, that we leave behind festering
injuries of material as well as spiritual life", they said.

Pastor Paulus Tumayang OFM, one of the signatories of the statement,
said that their call was born out of the experience of real meetings
with congregations in the villages and hamlets of Papua.

"We are not affiliated with any group at all. This is our genuine voice
as servants of God", said the pastor of the St. Petrus and Palus
Argapura Parish from the Jayapura dioceses.

Meanwhile Pastor John Djonga, a pastor activist, said that they felt
they had to speak out because congregations in Papua admit to feeling
that the government does not want to know about their fate.

"There is an impression that the government no longer feels responsible
for this situation. Because of this, we [feel we] must speak up", he

[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was
"Imam Katolik di Papua Desak Para Uskup Bersuara Tegas demi Keselamatan
Umat Papua".]


Rights group records 40 violations in Papua in 2020, cases recorded every month

December 11, 2020

Rights group records 40 violations in Papua in 2020, cases recorded
every month – December 10, 2020

Nicholas Ryan Aditya, Jakarta — Commission for Missing Persons and
Victims of Violence (Kontras) researcher Arif Nur Fikri has reported the
group’s findings on human rights violations throughout 2020.

Kontras found 40 incidents of human rights violations in Papua between
January and November 2020.

"Kontras recorded that throughout almost all of 2020, there was at least
one incidence of violence every month which befell the Papuan people",
said Fikri during an event held virtually along with the media to
commemorate International Human Rights Day on Thursday December 10.

Fikri continued saying that these 40 cases were dominated by cases of
violence in the form of shootings, abuses and arbitrary arrests by
security forces.

Kontras documented that these 40 cases involved at least 276 people who
were victims of arrest, were wounded or died. "In general the victims
were civilians. And this continues repeatedly every year", he said.

Because of this, he believes that the militaristic approach by the
government has been ineffective in dealing with violence in Papua.
According to Fikri, said this needs urgent reevaluation by the
government and the House of Representatives (DPR).

"Because so far there has not been any evaluation from the military
actors related to human rights violations in Papua", he said.

In addition to this, Fikri also said that the figures or total number of
incidences of violence in Papua have not accompanied by transparency
which should guarantee accountability.

He gave as an example when the government blocked the internet in
response to the riots in Papua in late August and early September 2019.

This incident began with a racist attack on students in Surabaya, East
Java, in August 2019. This was responded to by demonstrations in several
parts of the land of Cendrawasih as Papua is known.

The government responded to the massive demonstrations in Papua by
blocking or throttling the internet connection in Papua.

As has been reported, the Jakarta Administrative Court (PTUN) also
declared that President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and the Information and
Communications Ministry were guilty of wrongdoing in the case.

"This is homework for the government and we always remind the government
to think about the levels of violence in Papua which in the future
[they] should at least minimise this figure", explained Fikri.

Based on its records, in January 2020 there were five cases of human
rights violations in Papua, three in February, two in March, three in
April, four in May, two in June, four in July, four in August, six in
September, two in October and five cases in November.

[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was
"Total 40 Pelanggaran HAM di Papua Sepanjang 2020, Kontras: Setiap Bulan
Pasti Ada Kasus".]