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West Papua Report December 2014: TNI deployment, Vanuatu meet, political prisoner, demos attacked,

December 11, 2014

West Papua Report
December 2014

This is the 128th in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is co-published by the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). Back issues are posted online at edmcw<a href="mailto:edmcw. If you wish to receive the report directly via e-mail, send a note to etan. Link to this issue:.

The Report leads with "Perspective," an analysis piece; followed by "Update," a summary of some developments during the covered period; and then "Chronicle" which includes analyses, statements, new resources, appeals and action alerts related to West Papua. Anyone interested in contributing a Perspective or responding to one should write to edmcw. The opinions expressed in Perspectives are the author’s and not necessarily those of WPAT or ETAN.For additional news on West Papua see the reg.westpapua listserv archive or on Twitter.

CONTENTS

This edition’s Perspective is the first part of an article by Made Supriatma about Indonesian security force deployments in West Papua. In Update: Papuan leaders from around the world gathered in Vanuatu. Peaceful Papuan demonstrators were detained and shot during events commemorating the founding of the West Papua National Committee (KNPB). Papuan Behind Bars reports that 69 West Papuan political prisoners are currently in Indonesian government custody. The U.S. government plans to expand its support for "modernization" of the Indonesian military (TNI). Reform of that deeply corrupt, human rights abusing and unaccountable institution is not on the U.S. or TNI "modernization" agenda. Indonesia’s new defense minister plans to re-institute military influence in civilian sectors. The plan would undo much of the limited post-Suharto reforms with specific negative consequences for West Papua. Another military plan, apparently endorsed by President Widodo, would put new military commands in West Papua. In Chronicle, Papuan political prisoner Filep Karma is interviewed by Michael Bachelard. A review of the 2001 Bloody Waisor incident provides important context to new logging plans. Budi Hernawan revisits the murder by Kopassus of Theys Eluay and the disappearance of his driver. Finally, we note a timely analysis of Indonesia’s growing efforts to wield influence in Melanesia where support for West Papuan self determination is growing.

PERSPECTIVE

Indonesian Security Forces in West Papua (Part 1)
By Made Supriatma

Made Supriatma is an editor with Joyo Indonesia News Service.

Army Navy and Air Forces Coming in Part 2: Police, Intelligence, and Conclusion

In his meeting with TNI elites, President Joko Widodo reportedly agreed to a proposal to expand the army’s territorial command in West Papua. The army proposed two more territorial commands (Kodam) in eastern Indonesia. One is in Manado and the other is in Manokwari, the capital city of Papua Barat province. The navy will also expand its command by adding an Armada Command (Komando Armada Tengah) in Makassar. TNI also proposed to reviveKomando Gabungan Pertahanan (Joint Defense Command) which is similar to Komando Wilayah Pertahanan(defense territorial command) or Kowilhan. The Kowilhan was established in 1969, and then eradicated in 1984 during the reorganization of the Indonesian military. The TNI chief, Gen. Moeldoko, said that he also plans to revive the position of territorial assistant for the navy and air force.

President Joko Widodo is the fourth civilian president of the reformation era. Three of his civilian predecessors have never served full term in the office. All of those civilian presidents had to deal with the military and in fact it became their biggest challenge. President Widodo too has to confront the same problem. The three presidents were approaching the military differently. President Habibie chose to defy the military completely when he decided to grant referendum to East Timor. President Abdurrahman Wahid chose a more confrontational approach. He often intervened in the military’s internal affairs. President Megawati Sukarnoputri took a very different approach. She gave a ‘blank check’ to the military. She appointed the ultra-nationalist officer Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu as the army chief of staff. Under her administration, the military was given permission to launch huge operations in Aceh in order to crush the rebellion. Many of Megawati’s military men are now parts of the Jokowi’s administration.

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